Swann (1985)

Notes on the text

The complete report is shown in this single web page. You can scroll through it or use the following links to go to the various chapters.

(page numbers in brackets)

Preliminary pages (i-xliv)
Membership, Contents, Introduction

Part I: Setting the scene
Chapter 1 (3-8)
The nature of society
Chapter 2 (9-37)
Racism: theory and practice
Chapter 3 (57-187)
Achievement and underachievement

Part II: Education for all
Chapter 4 (191-228)
Ethnic minorities and education: historical perspective
Chapter 5 (229-314)
Multicultural education: further studies
Chapter 6 (315-381)
'Education for all': a new approach

Part III: Major areas of concern
Chapter 7 (385-464)
Language and language education
Chapter 8 (465-539)
Religion and the role of the school
Chapter 9 (541-645)
Teacher education; employment of ethnic minority teachers

Part IV: 'Other' ethnic minority groups
Introduction (649-651)
Chapter 10 (653-670)
Chinese children
Chapter 11 (671-693)
Cypriot children
Chapter 12 (695-709)
Italian children
Chapter 13 (711-717)
Ukranian children
Chapter 14 (719-732)
Vietnamese children
Chapter 15 (733-738)
'Liverpool Blacks'
Chapter 16 (739-759)
Travellers' children
Reflections and conclusions (760-763)

Part V:
Main conclusions and recommendations (767-776)

Appendices
Appendix A (778-779)
Co-opted members to Sub Committees
Appendix B (780-787)
Educational institutions which submitted evidence
Appendix C (788-794)
LEAs and organisations which submitted evidence
Appendix D (795-805)
Individuals who submitted evidence
Appendix E (806-807)
List of open meetings


The Swann Report (1985)
Education for All

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups

London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office 1985
Crown copyright material is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of HMSO and the Queen's Printer for Scotland.


[page unnumbered]

FOREWORD BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EDUCATION AND SCIENCE

This report is about a complex and important subject. The response of the education service to ethnic diversity concerns all who have responsibilities in education as well as all parents and their children.

The government is firmly committed to the principle that all children, irrespective of race, colour or ethnic origin, should have a good education which develops their abilities and aptitudes to the full and brings about a true sense of belonging to Britain. The Committee's report explores in detail how this principle may be made good, marshalling in the process a mass of evidence. At my request Lord Swann himself has written a brief guide which draws the reader's attention to the main issues in the report and to its central findings.

We can all be grateful to Lord Swann and his colleagues for their hard work over a long period of time. They have done a great service in drawing the issues affecting ethnic minority pupils to public attention.

KEITH JOSEPH

March 1985


[page unnumbered]

19th February 1985

Dear Secretary of State

I have the honour to present the Final Report of the Committee set up in 1979 to inquire into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups. I should like to take this opportunity of expressing our warmest thanks to a number of your staff, in particular to our Secretariat: Mr David Halladay, Miss Christina Bienkowska, Mr Peter Connell and Mrs Angela Craig, as well as to our Assessors at various stages, namely Mr Brian Baish, Mr Eric Bolton HMI and Mr John Singh HMI. All of them have been of inestimable help to the Committee and to me, in our long drawn-out endeavours.

Yours sincerely        
Michael Swann    
(Chairman)


The Rt Hon Sir Keith Joseph Bt MP


[title page]

Education for All

Chairman: Lord Swann FRSE


The Report of the Committee of Inquiry
into the Education of Children from
Ethnic Minority Groups



Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Education and Science by Command of Her Majesty

March 1985


LONDON

HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE

24.00 net

Cmnd. 9453


[page iii]

THE COMMITTEE*

Chairman
Mr A Rampton, OBE(Until May 1981)
Lord Swann, FRSE(From May 1981)

Members
Mr JP AthisayamBehavioural Scientist.
Mr T CarterSenior Education Liaison Officer, ILEA.
Mrs L ChapmanAdviser for the Education of Children in Early Years, Bradford Metropolitan Council.
Ms Y CollymoreFreelance Writer.
Mr GL Cooksey
(appointed June 1981)
Principal, Greenhead College, Huddersfield, West Yorkshire.
Mr JP Cornford
(appointed August 1981)
Director, Nuffield Foundation.
Mrs A Dummett
(resigned November 1984)
Research Worker, Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants.
Mr CG DuncanHead, Wyke Manor Upper School, Wyke, Bradford.
Mr DB EvansInspector, ILEA.
Mr JG Evans
(appointed June 1981)
Director of Education, Derbyshire County Council.
Baroness Faithfull, OBEFormerly Director of Social Services, Oxford City Council.
Mr M Feeley
(resigned November 1980)
Adviser for Multicultural Education, Coventry Education Authority.
Mrs S Flather, JPCouncillor, Windsor and Maidenhead, Commissioner, Commission for Racial Equality.
Dr FS Hashmi, OBE
(appointed May 1982)
Consultant Psychiatrist, All Saints Hospital, Birmingham. Commissioner, Commission for Racial Equality.
Professor EW Hawkins, CBE
(resigned May 1981)
Formerly Director of Language Teaching Centre, University of York.

*Appointments shown are those held by members at the time of submission of the report to the Secretary of State or at the time of their resignation from the Committee.


[page iv]

Professor PH Hirst
(appointed November 1981)
Professor of Education, University of Cambridge.
Father M Hollings
(resigned November 1984)
Parish Priest, Bayswater, Notting Hill, London.
Mr MA Khan-Cheema
(appointed June 1981)
General Adviser in Education with special responsibility for Multicultural Education, Bradford Metropolitan Council.
Mrs DE McAuslanSRN; SCM; Health Visitor Certificate, Lecturer in Health Education, Northamptonshire County Council.
Mr PKC Millins, CBE
(resigned May 1981)
Formerly Director of Edge Hill College of Higher Education, Ormskirk, Lancashire.
Mr PA Newsam
(resigned July 1982 on appointment as Chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality)
Education Officer, Inner London Education Authority.
Mr R Pal
(resigned October 1979)
Managing Director CTS Leasing Ltd., Reading, Berkshire.
Dr B Parekh
(resigned November 1981 to become Vice Chancellor, University of Baroda)
Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Studies, University of Hull.
Mr J Phillips, CBEFormerly Chairman, Distributive Industry Training Board.
Mr EJB Rose, CBE
(resigned June 1981)
Chairman, Penguin Books.
Mr AJB RoweMember of Parliament for Mid Kent.
Mrs Y Sheikh
(resigned January 1981)
Peripatetic Teacher of English as a Second Language, London Borough of Croydon.
Dr GK Verma
(appointed May 1982)
Reader in Education, University of Bradford.
Mr D Wong
(appointed June 1981)
Research Officer, Special Projects (Ethnic Minorities), Education Department, Manchester City Council.

Assessors
Mr BL BaishDepartment of Education and Science.


[page v]

Mr EJ Bolton
(until September 1981)
Her Majesty's Inspectorate.
Mr P Singh
(from October 1981)
Her Majesty's Inspectorate.

Secretariat
Mr DG HalladayDepartment of Education and Science.
Miss CA BienkowskaDepartment of Education and Science.
Mr PA ConnellDepartment of Education and Science.
Mrs AE CraigDepartment of Education and Science.





Costs of Committee

The estimated cost of the production of the report is 692,618, of which 127,815 represents the estimated cost of printing and publication. 477,000 the cost of administration and research and 87,803 the travelling and other expenses of members.


[page vi]

TERMINOLOGY

We refer throughout this report to a number of different ethnic minorities as well as to the (white) ethnic majority. Following common usage, and in the interests of brevity, we refer to 'West Indians' and 'Asians' as shorthand for the more accurate, but more cumbersome 'British citizens of West Indian or Asian origin'. It should be borne in mind that virtually all of the 'West Indian' children about whom this report is concerned and the vast majority of 'Asian' children were in fact born in this country. The term 'Asian', unless otherwise specified, is also used as a collective term to cover a range of ethnic minorities whose cultural roots emanate from the Indian sub-continent, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh; although some came to Britain from East Africa and elsewhere. The religious affiliations of these groups include Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism and others and their languages include Urdu, Punjabi, Gujerati, Bengali, Pushtu, Sindhi and others.

In addition we refer to the ethnic majority as the 'white' or 'indigenous' majority. None of these terms is wholly satisfactory. There are white minorities within the white majority, while some of the white minorities have lived long enough in Britain to be regarded as indigenous. Nevertheless we think, given these warnings, that our use of the different terms will not cause confusion.


[page vii]

PREFACE

Origins of this Committee

1. The origins of this Committee can be traced back to the concern expressed by the West Indian Community during the late 1960s and early 1970s about the academic performance of their children. This concern was recognised by the Select Committee on Race, Relations and Immigration and in their report on the West Indian Community in 1977 (1) they recommended that:

'... as a matter of urgency the government (should) institute a high level and independent inquiry into the causes of the underachievement of children of West Indian origin in maintained schools and the remedial action required'.
2. The then government accepted the need for an inquiry but felt that it should be concerned with the needs of pupils from all ethnic minority groups with priority being given to children of West Indian origin. (2) In consequence this Committee was established in 1979 with the following terms of reference:
'Recognising the contribution of schools in preparing all pupils for life in a society which is both multiracial and culturally diverse, the Committee is required to:
Terms of Reference
review in relation to schools the educational needs and attainments of children from ethnic minority groups taking account, as necessary, of factors outside the formal education system relevant to school performance, including influences in early childhood and prospects for school leavers;

consider the potential value of instituting arrangements for keeping under review the educational performance of different ethnic minority groups, and what those arrangements might be;

consider the most effective use of resources for these purposes; and to make recommendations.

In carrying out its programme of work, the Committee is to give early and particular attention to the educational needs and attainments of pupils of West Indian origin and to make interim recommendations as soon as possible on action which might be taken in the interests of this group.'
NB: The Committee's terms of reference relate only to England.

(1) The West Indian Community. Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. February 1977. HMSO. HC 180 I.

(2) The West Indian Community. Cmnd 7186. HMSO. April 1978.


[page viii]

Interim Report

3. Our interim report, fulfilling the requirement in our terms of reference to give particular attention to the situation of West Indian children, was submitted to the Secretary of State on 27 February 1981 and was published on 17 June 1981. (3) In that report we concluded that West Indian children as a group were:

'... underachieving in relation to their peers.'
We then went on to consider the various factors, both within the education system and more generally, which had been said to contribute to this underachievement and identified:
'... no single cause ... but rather a network of widely differing attitudes and expectations on the part of teachers and the education system as a whole, and on the part of West Indian parents, which lead the West Indian child to have particular difficulties and face particular hurdles in achieving his or her full potential.'
In calling for urgent measures to remedy West Indian underachievement we put forward a programme for action and set out in some detail the part which various agencies could play in bringing about the changes in attitude and practice which we believed to be necessary. We prepared a summary of our interim report, attached as an annex to this preface, drawing together our main findings and recommendations, which was given a very wide distribution. In this report we seek to follow up the findings and conclusions of our interim report and to respond fully to our terms of reference.

Modus Operandi

4. Throughout our work we have adopted a structure of specialist sub-committees and sub-groups to consider the range of issues encompassed by our remit. Although our membership covered a wide range of interest and expertise, we felt that we would benefit from the presence on our sub-committees of additional members with particular knowledge and experience. We therefore co-opted a number of individuals to whom we are particularly grateful for their help and advice. Whilst this report owes much to the contributions of our co-opted members, they are not however responsible for the conclusions and recommendations which we put forward here. Details of these co-options are given in Appendix A of this report.

Reviews of Research

5. In order to enable us to make the best possible use of the relevant research evidence available, we commissioned the National foundation for Educational Research (NFER) to prepare a series of

(3) West Indian Children in our Schools. Cmnd 8273. HMSO. June 1981.


[page ix]

evaluative reviews of research. These reviews are or will be available publicly, as follows:

  • 'Caught Between: A Review of Research into the Education of pupils of West Indian origin'. Monica J Taylor. NFER-Nelson. 1981;

  • 'The Best of Both Worlds ...?: A Review of Research into the Education of pupils of South Asian origin'. Monica J Taylor and Seamus Hegarty (forthcoming); and

  • Third Review of Research (relating to the 'other' minorities considered by the Committee): Monica J Taylor and Seamus Hegarty (forthcoming).
Research Studies

As well as proving particularly helpful to us in our work - and we have indeed drawn on the conclusions of these reviews throughout this report - the NFER reviews provide a wealth of material on the educational experiences of ethnic minority pupils, as well as describing the backgrounds of the various ethnic minority communities in our society, which will, we are sure, be of considerable interest to those working in this field. In the course of our work we have ourselves commissioned a number of studies relating to particular issues or areas of concern. References to the findings of these studies are included in the relevant chapters of this report.

Evidence-Gathering

6. During our lifetime we have issued two main invitations for evidence - firstly at the start of our work, when we were seeking evidence relating particularly to the situation of pupils of West Indian origin, and then again, after the publication of our interim report, when we invited both comments on that report together with further evidence relating to other ethnic minority groups and to the broader issues encompassed by our remit. On both occasions our invitations for evidence were given a very wide distribution and we also supplemented these general requests for evidence by approaching a range of educational organisations and ethnic minority community organisations, for evidence on their specific concerns. The summary of our interim report's findings and conclusions was also sent to every maintained school and teacher training institution in England, inviting comments and further evidence. In addition to these requests for evidence, our sub-committees have also, on a number of occasions, requested information relating to more specialist matters within their remits. The response to our various invitations for evidence and requests for information has been quite overwhelming; we estimate that we have received almost 1000 submissions of


[page x]

evidence, all of which have proved immensely helpful to us in our work, as well as indicating the amount of interest and, in some cases, concern about the whole field of 'multi-cultural education'. We also called together representatives of several 'interested organisations' to discuss particular issues in greater depth and organised oral evidence sessions, for both the full Committee and at sub-committee level. Lists of those who submitted evidence to us are included as Appendices to this report.

Forums

7. We decided early on in our work that we wished to extend our consultations beyond the traditional education interest groups and the leading national ethnic minority organisations to involve also parents and young people, particularly from the various ethnic minority communities, who might otherwise have been unlikely to make their voices heard through formal channels. We therefore organised some 30 open meetings or 'forums' around the country, which took place in schools or community centres, in the evening or at weekends, usually under the auspices of local community relations councils, at which we could discuss the major issues of concern to the communities in these areas. These forums provided a very valuable further source of evidence to us and lent added immediacy to our understanding of the communities' concerns, particularly about the influence of racism on their everyday lives. Details of the various forums are given in Appendix E.

National Conference

8. As well as inviting written comments on our interim report, we also convened a one day national conference, in November 1981, to discuss its findings. There were over 250 participants, including representatives of both Houses of Parliament, local authority members and officers, heads and teachers and community representatives from a range of ethnic minority groups, and the conference was opened by the Secretary of State for Education and Science. This conference enabled us to discuss, with representatives of a very wide range of interest groups, the broader implications of the conclusions which we had reached in our interim report, as well as to hear their views on the specific issues to which they felt we should devote attention for this report.

Visits

9. Throughout our work we have endeavoured to visit as many LEAs, schools and other educational institutions, of as many differing types and in as many parts of the country as possible. We have received evidence from nearly one third of LEAs and have investigated in rather more detail the work of 20 of them. Members or representatives of this Committee have visited over 150 schools and


[page xi]

other institutions - these are listed in Appendix B. On our visits to primary schools we have made particular efforts to talk to parents about their expectations of schools and their aspirations for their children. In secondary schools we have taken every opportunity to meet and talk with groups of senior pupils, especially but not exclusively from ethnic minority groups, in order to seek their views on the various issues within our remit - bearing in mind that in many ways it is their attitudes, as the citizens and parents of the future, which offer a crucial insight into the future nature of our society.

Acknowledgement

10. We are grateful to all the local authorities, schools, organisations and individuals who took the time and trouble to prepare written evidence for us or to participate in discussions about aspects of our work. We are particularly grateful to those schools which we visited both for their hospitality and the open and frank way in which the teachers and indeed the pupils were prepared to discuss their anxieties and concerns with us.


PLAN OF THE REPORT

We hope that this report will be considered as a whole by all those concerned about the role of education in relation to the changed and changing nature of our society. Although we devote individual chapters to considering various specific issues within our remit, these chapters are invariably interrelated and the conclusions reached within them depend for their proper understanding on the broad context and underlying aims and objectives on which the whole of our work has been based. These chapters are themselves grouped to form several distinct parts of the report, reflecting different aspects of our deliberations.

In Part One of the report - 'Setting the Scene' - we set the context for our work by discussing the relationship between the education system and the nature of present day British society. We begin by considering the various ways in which our multiracial society could evolve and then put forward our own view of the role which we believe education can and must play in laying the foundations for a society based on genuinely pluralist principles. We go on to discuss the controversial issue of racism, and its influence on both schools and the wider society, on which so much of our evidence has focused. We consider both the broad concept of prejudice and the particular roots of racism as well as looking at the various ways in which racism, at both individual and institutional level, can manifest itself and,


[page xii]

more importantly, can be countered. Finally we return to the issue of the achievement and underachievement of pupils of ethnic minority origin, which was of course central to our interim report.

In Part Two of the report - 'Education for All' - we review the evolution of policies and practice, at both central and local level, in the field of 'multi-cultural education' from the early days of large scale immigration up to the present day. We reflect in particular on the way in which the aims and objectives of policy making in this field have changed over the years, in relation to changing circumstances and the concerns of ethnic minority communities and educationists. We also draw together here the findings of some of the research studies which we have ourselves commissioned in the course of our work. We then go on to put forward, in chapter six, our own view of the task for education in meeting the needs of ethnic minority pupils and preparing all pupils, both ethnic majority and ethnic minority, for life in a society which is both multiracial and culturally diverse. Having set out the broad principles which we believe should underlie our philosophy of 'Education for All' and considered the practical implications of such an approach for the curriculum, we conclude by putting forward an overall strategy for the management of change needed in order to achieve the objectives we have advocated.

In Part Three of the report - 'Major Areas of Concern' - we devote chapters to considering those aspects of education which emerged clearly from our evidence as arousing the greatest interest and anxieties amongst both the ethnic minority communities and educationists: language and language education, and religion and the role of the school. In both chapters we put forward specific conclusions and recommendations for progress, reflecting the principles of 'Education for All'. We also devote a chapter to considering the implications of our view of the task facing education, for teacher training at all levels and set out a distinct strategy for change within the teacher training field to complement and support the development of 'Education for All'.

In these three parts of the report we focus primarily, but not exclusively, on the needs and concerns of the two most numerous ethnic communities in this country - the West Indian community, (4) which was the subject of our interim report, and the Asian community. (5) Our terms of reference required us however to consider

(4) According to data from the Ethnic Statistics Unit of the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys, the West Indian population of Great Britain in 1981 (the most recent year for which figures are available - from the 1981 Labour Force Survey) numbered some 604,000.

(5) According to OPCS data the Asian population of Great Britain in 1981 numbered 1,114,000.


[page xiii]

the needs of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups. In Part Four of the report - 'Other' Ethnic Minority Groups - we therefore consider the needs and problems of several of the numerically smaller ethnic minority (communities which are also now an integral part of British society, ranging from the Chinese community to the Vietnamese refugees and the Travelling community. Here again we seek to relate our specific findings to the broader debate about the response of the education system to the experiences and aspirations of ethnic minority communities and more broadly to the emergence of an increasingly complex and diverse multiracial society.

In Part Five of the report we draw together, for ease of reference, our Main Conclusions and Recommendations. It must be recognised however that several of our most important chapters do not in fact contain detailed recommendations of this kind and we would therefore emphasise again that we hope this report will be read in full by educationists and others in positions of responsibility and influence.

Throughout our report, we have sought to draw together, both in the text of the chapters and as annexes, examples of attitude and practice drawn from the wealth of evidence we have received, both in order to illustrate and highlight the overall message which we wish to convey to both policy makers and practitioners.


[page xv]

ANNEX A


WEST INDIAN CHILDREN
IN OUR SCHOOLS



A brief guide to the
interim report of the Committee of Inquiry
into the Education of Children from
Ethnic Minority Groups





[page xvi]

BACKGROUND

1. The Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups was established by the then government in March 1979 as part of its response to the report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration on 'The West Indian Community' (1) which highlighted concern about the academic performance of West Indian children. The present government confirmed the Committee's establishment and completed the appointment of members. The Committee was asked to look at the educational needs and attainments of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups bearing in mind factors relating to pre-school experiences and prospects for school leavers. As a first step, however, the Committee was required to prepare an interim report on the particular needs and attainments of West Indian children. 2. The Committee's interim report 'West Indian Children in our Schools' was published on 17 June 1981. (2) This leaflet sets out the main findings of the report and summarises the recommendations offered in it.

(1) House of Commons HC 180 I-III February 1977.

(2) Cmnd. 8273 HMSO June 1981 Price 5.30.


[page xvii]

INTRODUCTION

3. In the absence of any nationally agreed definition of 'West Indian' the Committee has dealt in its report with 'children who are black, whose families came originally from the group of islands known as the West Indies, and who are generally speaking regarded as West Indian by teachers and the community at large'. The report stresses that virtually all these children are British-born.

4. In preparing its interim report, the Committee received written and oral evidence from a wide range of individuals and organisations including many representatives of the West Indian community and between January and July 1980 members spent over 100 days visiting schools and other institutions around the country.

5. The report stresses that 'the education of West Indian children cannot be seen in isolation and must be considered as part of the education of all children'. As well as discussing the major issues in the education of West Indian children, the Committee's interim report also therefore considers the much broader question of what schools in general should be attempting to provide for all their pupils in today's 'multiracial and culturally diverse' society.


[page xviii]

CHAPTER ONE

The Evidence of Underachievement

6. The Committee summarises briefly the various studies which over recent years have appeared to show considerable underachievement by West Indian pupils in relation to their white peers. For example in 1966 and 1968 Little's studies of the reading standards of 9 year olds in ILEA showed that West Indian children were performing less well than their contemporaries and the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey showed that at 15+ this was still the case. In order to obtain some up to date statistical information on the academic performance of West Indian children the DES Statistics Branch included, at the Committee's request, in their School Leavers Survey for 1978/79, for six LEAs (covering approximately half of the school leavers from ethnic minorities) a question on the ethnic origin of the leavers.

7. The results of the School Leavers Survey Exercise show:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations only 3 per cent of West Indians obtained 5 or more higher grades (3) compared with 18 per cent of Asians and 16 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language only 9 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 29 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- In CSE and GCE O Level in Mathematics only 5 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 20 per cent of Asians and 19 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- At GCE A Level only 2 per cent of West Indians gained one or more pass compared with 13 per cent Asians and 12 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- Only 1 per cent of West Indians went on to University compared with 3 per cent of Asians and 3 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs; and

- Only 1 per cent of West Indians went on to full time degree courses in further education compared with 5 per cent of Asians and 4 per cent of all other Ieavers in these LEAs.

8. The Committee concludes that although there will 'always be some children who will underachieve and for various reasons will fail to reach their full potential' their concern is that West Indian children as a group are 'underachieving in relation to their peers, not least in obtaining the examination qualifications needed to give them equality of opportunity in the employment market and to enable them to take advantage of the range of post school opportunities available'.

(3) Grades A-C at O Level and Grade 1 CSE.


[page xix]

CHAPTER TWO

The Factors Contributing to Underachievement

9. The report considers in some detail the various factors, both within the education system and outside it, which have been said to lead West Indian children to underachieve:

Racism

Many West Indians who gave evidence to the Committee saw racism as the major reason for their children's underachievement and other people mentioned this as a contributory factor. The Committee believes that only a very small minority of teachers could be said to be racist in the commonly accepted sense. However it claims that a teacher's attitude towards, and expectations of, West Indian pupils may be subconsciously influenced by stereotyped, negative or patronising views of their abilities and potential, which may prove a self-fulfilling prophecy, and can be seen as a form of 'unintentional racism'. The Committee concludes that, whilst racism, whether intentional or unintentional, cannot be said alone to account for the underachievement of West Indian children, it can and does have an important bearing on their performance at school. The report therefore urges teachers to be prepared to examine and reappraise their attitudes and behaviour, to challenge all manifestations of racism and to playa leading role in seeking to change the attitudes of society as a whole towards ethnic minority communities.

Pre-school Provision

The Committee feels that the existing provision for the under fives, both in terms of day care and nursery education, is generally inadequate to meet the needs of the population as a whole, and may be particularly ill-suited to the needs of West Indian families. It believes that evidence 'points to the cycle of West Indian underachievement having its roots in the pre-school years and ... that measures relating to primary and secondary education must be accompanied by improvements in the pre-school field'. The report recommends that local authorities should make greater efforts to ensure that West Indian parents are aware of the pre-school facilities available and that LEAs should do more to help parents appreciate the contribution which they can make to the progress of their child, before he enters school. Other recommendations relate to the need for better coordination within local authorities of services for the under-fives, the conversion of former primary school premises for nursery use, the extension of the opening hours of nursery schools and units, the need for those who work with under-fives to be made aware of the particular difficulties faced by West Indian families, and the need for there to be more nursery nurses and health visitors from ethnic minority groups.

Reading and Language

Reading
The report summarises the findings and conclusions of the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey on the low reading attainment of West Indian children and discusses briefly


[page xx]

the methods and materials used by schools for teaching reading. It focuses on a recent study of the benefits derived by schools from involving parents more directly in helping their children to learn to read and recommends that all LEAs and schools should consider ways of building on this work.

Language
The report summarises current views on the nature of the language of West Indian children, the various approaches adopted by schools and teachers to this language and the attitudes of West Indian parents. It concludes that 'for the majority of West lndian children in our schools, who were born and brought up in this country, linguistic factors play (no) part in underachievement'. It feels however that 'the attitudes towards West Indian children's language held by some teachers ... may have an important bearing on their motivation and achievement' and recommends a range of measures designed to encourage teachers' understanding and appreciation of the nature of West Indian language.

Curriculum

The report argues strongly that a broadly-based, 'multi-cultural' approach to the curriculum should be adopted by all schools, both those with ethnic minority pupils and all white schools, and offers some examples, at both primary and secondary level, of what it sees as 'good practice' in this respect. The Committee does not 'believe that education should seek to iron out the differences between cultures, nor attempt to draw everyone into the dominant culture' but rather should 'draw upon the experiences of the many cultures that make up our society and thus broaden the cultural horizons of every child'. The Committee's recommendations to the DES, HM Inspectorate and the Schools Council are designed to encourage a multi-cultural approach throughout education and within schools, head teachers and teachers, especially those from ethnic minority groups, are seen as having particular roles to play in bringing this about.

Books and Teaching Materials

The Committee's call for a multi-cultural approach in education is reiterated in relation to the books and teaching materials used by schools. The Committee felt that some of these still presented an inaccurate and negative picture of ethnic minority groups and of other cultures, and calls upon teachers and librarians, with advice from their LEAs, to examine the books they use and to take account of their appropriateness to today's multiracial society.

Examinations

The Committee feels that 'examinations have a major part to play in complementing and reflecting a multi-cultural approach to the curriculum in schools and the multiracial nature of today's society'. It believes that the examining boards have shown themselves inflexible and, in some cases, dismissive both of the particular needs which ethnic minority pupils may have, and of the need for their syllabuses and papers to be more relevant to the actual experiences of the pupils in schools today. It therefore recommends that all GCE and CSE boards should review their policies in


[page xxi]

this respect and, looking towards the restructuring of the examinations system, that the DES should take account of these considerations in any new arrangements.

School Pastoral Arrangements

The report emphasises that the Committee 'believe(s) that all teachers have a pastoral role in schools and that it cannot be separated from their overall teaching duties' and that 'pastoral care cannot be seen as being solely the concern of those staff expressly designated as having pastoral responsibilities'. It recommends that headteachers should ensure all their staff are aware of their pastoral responsibilities; that LEAs should provide appropriate in-service courses on the particular needs of ethnic minority pupils and that teachers should be encouraged to attend these courses.

Links between Schools and the Community

The Committee highlights here one of the main themes running throughout its report - the gulf in trust and understanding between schools and West Indian parents. The failure of some schools to understand the particular social and economic pressures which West Indian parents may face, together with the failure of some West Indian parents to appreciate the contribution which they can make to their child's education, are both seen as factors in the underachievement of West Indian children. The Committee urges schools to 'reach out' to parents by, for example, more teachers undertaking home visiting and by making information on the school's policies and on children's progress more easily accessible to parents. In turn West Indian parents and the West Indian community are encouraged to respond positively to approaches from schools and to seek ways of being actively involved in the school's work. The report offers a range of recommendations designed to foster closer links between schools and the community they serve.

Special Provision

Much of the concern which originally led to the Committee's establishment centred around West Indians' fears that their children were being wrongly placed in ESN(M) schools. The Committee attempted to ascertain whether West Indian children were disproportionately represented in ESN(M) schools but the absence of ethnically based statistics on the school population meant that they were unable 'to confirm or deny this belief'. The report therefore recommends strongly that the DES should carry out its undertaking (4) to collect statistics on the ethnic mix of ESN(M) schools in order to establish the facts clearly and (in chapter three) recommends that further ethnically based educational statistics should be collected. The committee welcomes the Education Bill 1981 which proposes wide-ranging changes in current arrangements for children with 'special educational needs' and in particular new rights for parents. The report recommends measures designed to ensure that West Indian children are not incorrectly assessed for special education by, for example, asking LEAs to 'take full account of the particular factors, such as cultural differences and the effects of discrimination, which may have a bearing on the educational progress of West Indian pupils'. The report refers briefly to the anxiety frequently voiced by parents about

(4) Home Office White Paper 'The West Indian Community.' Cmnd. 7186 April 1978.


[page xxii]

the number of West Indian children who are suspended or excluded from school. It therefore recommends that procedures after a pupil is suspended or excluded should be tightened up. The Committee expresses its concern at the increase in the number of special behavioural or 'disruptive' units established in recent years, especially since West Indians believe that their children are often wrongly referred to these units. Again the absence of statistics meant that it was not possible for the Committee to establish whether West Indians were over-represented although in the units the members visited this did not seem to be the case. The report offers a number of recommendations concerning referral to the units and recommends that the DES should 'consider the legal position of units serving more than one school and which cater on a full-time basis for disruptive pupils'.

Preparation for adult life

The Committee devotes considerable attention to issues relating to the transition from school to work and the particular needs of West Indian pupils since this is an area 'which probably worries West Indians more than any other covered by our remit'. The report points out that unemployment is disproportionately high among young West Indians, not least because discrimination is still widespread in the jobs market. It calls upon those concerned to bring about equality of opportunity for all school leavers. Poor employment prospects, combined with low teacher expectations, are said to have a demotivating effect on West Indian pupils and to discourage them from achieving their full potential. Although many West Indians believe that some careers teachers and careers officers discriminate against West Indian pupils and tend to channel them into certain low-level occupations, the Committee does not accept that in the vast majority of cases this is so. It suggests however that, as with the teaching profession as a whole, there may be instances of 'unintentional racism' resulting from stereotyped views of West Indian children. The report offers a range of recommendations designed to make school careers education and the work of the careers service more effective and responsive to the particular needs of West Indian youngsters by, for example, suggesting that training courses for careers officers should include reference to their needs and that more West Indians and people from other ethnic minority groups should be involved in careers work. It also recommends that schools should monitor on an ethnic basis the destination of their leavers to 'allow schools to identify any worrying patterns in the achievement or lack of achievement of any ethnic minority group'.


[page xxiii]

CHAPTER THREE

Support for Schools and Teachers

10. In this chapter the Committee considers the support available for schools and teachers through teacher education, LEA advisory services, statistics and funding:

Teacher education

Throughout its report the Committee has emphasised the key role which it sees teachers and head teachers playing in making the education system, and particularly the curriculum, more responsive to the needs of ethnic minority pupils and genuinely multi-cultural in character. In the field of inital training the Committee concludes that no teacher training institution 'appears to have succeeded in providing a satisfactory grounding in multi-cultural education for all of its students' and that 'the great majority of students are thus entering teaching having received little or no guidance on how to adopt a broadly-based approach to education 'which takes full account of the presence of ethnic minorities in our society'. It recommends that all teacher training institutions should review their policies in this respect. The Committee also urges LEAs and schools to establish effective induction programmes. Whilst developments in the field of in-service education are seen as more positive especially in terms of school-based work, the report recommends various ways in which provision relating to the needs of ethnic minority pupils and the theory and practice of a multi-cultural approach to education should be extended and encouraged. The Committee attaches considerable importance to developments in in-service education as 'the most effective means of directly affecting teaching in our schools in the immediate future'. The Committee reiterates its call for there to be more West Indian teachers and professionals at all levels in the education service and presses for there to be more 'special access' courses designed to enable ethnic minority people and others to train for teaching.

The Advisory Services

The Committee believes that all LEA advisers 'have a role to play in increasing awareness and understanding of the needs of ethnic minority pupils and in fostering the development of a curriculum relevant to the needs of society today'. Where LEAs have advisers with specific responsibility for multi-cultural education - and the Commitee recommends that all LEAs with substantial ethnic minority populations should consider making such an appointment - the report stresses that the person concerned 'needs to have a genuine understanding of ethnic minority pupils and a knowledge of the minority communities' cultures and concerns'.

Statistics

The Committee points out that its task in preparing its report has been continually hampered by the absence of ethnically-based educational statistics and goes further to say that 'the absence of ethnically-based statistics throughout the education system has contributed to the lack of positive action at both national and local level to identify and seek to remedy the underachievement of West Indian children'.


[page xxiv]

It declares itself 'wholly in favour of the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis where they are to be used in establishing facts about how members of the ethnic minorities are faring in the education system' and therefore recommends a range of statistics should be recorded and collected with effect from 1 September 1982. In recognition of the concerns which have been voiced in the past about the use of ethnic classifications and the confidentiality of the information obtained, it recommends that as a first step the DES should consult the local authority associations, the teacher unions, the Society of Education Officers and representatives of the ethnic minority communities.

Funding

The Committee acknowledges that it has received evidence about the possibility of establishing a Central Fund to meet the educational needs of ethnic minority children but defers consideration on this until its main report. The Committee discusses the various criticisms which have been voiced about the current arrangements for the provision of funds to local authorities under Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966. It concludes that 'Section 11 provides a valuable source of funding to local authorities' but there is a 'need for the government to revise its provisions to make it more appropriate to the needs of the ethnic minority communities in our society'. It recommends therefore that the government should undertake a review of the provisions and operation of Section 11.


[page xxv]

CHAPTER FOUR

Programme for Action

11. In the final chapter of its report the Committee summarises briefly the various factors which it has discussed relating to the underachievement of West Indian children. It reiterates that West Indian children are indeed underachieving and that 'urgent action is needed to remedy this'. As far as the reasons for this underachievement are concerned the Committee says it has identified 'no single cause ... but rather a network of widely differing attitudes and expectations on the part of teachers and the education system as a whole, and on the part of West Indian parents, which lead the West Indian child to have particular difficulties and face particular hurdles in achieving his or her full potential'.

12. The Committee then considers in some detail the part which various 'agencies of change' can play in bringing about the overall changes for which the report calls. It discusses the roles of central government (particularly the DES), local government (particularly LEAs), and a range of interested organisations and institutions including teacher unions, examining boards and the CRE and local CRCs.

13. The Committee then considers the cost implications of its recommendations. It emphasises that the majority call for no additional funds but rather 'a reordering of the priorities under which resources are at present allocated so as to bring about a fundamental change in attitude towards the ethnic minorities in our society and in particular towards ethnic minority pupils in our schools'. It recognises however that there will be some additional costs for example associated with staff time in establishing links between schools and parents and reviewing the curriculum. Some of the recommendations which call for schools to review the extent to which they take account of the multiracial nature of society will have 'psychological' rather than 'financial' costs since 'all concerned - teachers, pupils and parents - will need to be prepared to reappraise in some cases long-accepted views of the "British education system" and of their roles within it'.

14. Having listed all the specific recommendations it has offered, the Committee then summarises a number of issues which have been raised in the report which, in the time available, it has not yet considered fully or which affect all ethnic minority groups and will therefore be considered in the main report. The Committee concludes with a call for comments on this report and further evidence for its main report.


[page xxvii]

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ParagraphPage

PART I: SETTING THE SCENE

Chapter 1 The Nature of Society
Education and the Nature of Society13
'Ethnic Identity'23
Assimilation or Separatism34
The Concept of Pluralism45
Variance with Reality56
Diversity within Unity67
Influence of Racism78

Chapter 2 Racism: Theory and Practice
1. Introduction-10
The Changing Climate of the Debate1.110
Reactions to our Interim Report1.210
Our Approach to Racism1.312

2. The Concept of Prejudice
-12
The Mechanism of Prejudice2.112
The Task for Education2.213
Negative Prejudice2.314

3. The Ethnic Minority Dimension of Prejudice
-14
Ethnic Minorities as Outsiders3.114
Stereotyping of Ethnic Minorities3.315
Influence of the Media3.616

4. The Roots of Racism
-18
Reasons for Migration4.118
Expectations of this Country4.319
The Myth of an Alternative4.420
The Myth of Return4.520
The Myth of Belonging4.621


[page xxviii]

ParagraphPage

5. Racism in practice
-22
Research5.122
'Colour Blindness'5.526
A 'White British' Problem?5.627
Institutional Racism5.728
Climate of Racism5.1030
Immigration and Nationality5.1031
Racial Attacks5.1131
Relationship with the Police5.1233
Impact on Schools5.1333
Influence on Ethnic Minority Pupils5.1434
The Role of the School5.1435
Racist Name Calling5.1535
'All-White' Schools5.1636

6. Conclusion
-36
Annexes
Annex A: The Role of the Media: A Background Paper by Dr GK Verma.
Annex B: Multi-Ethnic Teaching and the Pupils; Self-Concepts: A Paper by Peter A Green.

Chapter 3 Achievement and Underachievement
1. Introduction-58

2. The Achievement of West Indian Pupils
-59

3. The Achievement of Asian Pupils
-64

4. Factors Involved in School Performance
-66
Our Interim Report4.166
The Range of Factors Involved in Achievement and Underachievement4.668
The IQ Question4.1070
The Interrelationship of Racial Discrimination, Socio-Economic Status, Social Class and Region4.1571
Educational and Other Factors4.2376

5. Our Conclusions - West Indians
-81

6. Our Conclusions - Asians
-84

7. The Implications of our Findings
-87


[page xxix]

ParagraphPage

8. Summary of Main Conclusions
-89

9. References
-91
Annexes
Annex A: Achievement and Underachievement: Evidence from Young People of Afro-Caribbean and Asian Origin.
Annex B: Results from the School Leavers Survey 1981/82: A Paper by DES Statistics Branch.
Annex C: The Education of Bangladeshi Children in Tower Hamlets: A Background Paper by The Education Officer, Inner London Education Authority.
Annex D: The IQ Question: A Paper by Professor NJ Mackintosh and Dr CGN Mascie-Taylor.
Annex E: Revised Research Proposed on 'Academically Successful Black Pupils', submitted by the Research and Statistics Branch of the Inner London Education Authority.
Annex F: Summary of Main Findings of a Longitudinal Study by Dr GK Verma.
Annex G: A Note on Research: A Paper by Mr J Cornford.

PART II: 'EDUCATION FOR ALL'

Chapter 4 Ethnic Minorities and Education: A Historical Perspective
1. Introduction-191

2. Early Educational Responses to Immigration
-191
Assimilation-192
Language Needs and 'Culture Shock'2.2192
Dispersal2.3192
Form 7(i) and Section 112.6195
Integration-196
Our View2.10198

3. The Emergence of Multicultural Education
-198
Widely Varying Interpretations3.1198
Two Distinct Themes3.2199

The Educational Needs of Ethnic Minority Children
The Changing Nature of the Debate-199
The 'Failure' of Assimilation3.3.1199
Communities' Concerns3.3.2199
Curriculum Content3.3.3200


[page xxx]

ParagraphPage
'Black Studies'3.3.4200
West Indian Teachers3.3.5201
'Supplementary' Schools3.3.5201
Concerns of the Asian Community3.3.7202
Mother Tongue3.3.8202
Pastoral Matters3.3.9203
'Separate' Schools3.3.9203
Criticisms of Multicultural Education3.3.11204
Concern about Racism3.3.15206
The Role of Teachers3.3.16207

Policies of Central Government
-208
General Policies Relating to Immigration and Nationality3.3.17208
Educational Policies3.3.22210
DES Survey 133.3.22210
Influence of Racism3.3.22211
Perception of Ethnic Minorities as 'Disadvantaged'3.3.22212
'Inner City' Dimension3.3.22213
SCORRI Report 1972-19733.3.23213
Government White Paper 19743.3.23214
Establishment of EDU and CED3.3.23214
Ethnically Based Statistics3.3.23215
SCORRI Report 1976-19773.3.24215
Establishment of this Committee3.3.24216
Closure of CED3.3.25216
Our Interim Report and the Government's Response3.3.26217
Home Affairs Committee Report 19813.3.27218
Broad Conclusions on Central Government Policy3.3.28220

LEA and School Policies
-221
Varying Approaches to Multicultural Education3.3.20221
Conclusions of Main Research Studies3.3.32222

The Relevance of Multicultural Education to all Children
-226
Government Approach3.4.1226
Research3.4.4228

Chapter 5 Multicultural Education: Further Studies
1. Introduction-229

2. Project A: The Development of Multicultural Education Policy in Four Local Education Authority Areas
-230


[page xxxi]

ParagraphPage

3. Project B: 'All-White' Schools
-232
Curriculum Content-233
Religious Education-233
English-234
History and Geography-234
Racism-234
Influence on Pupils' Attitudes-235
Teachers-235
Annex A: Extracts from Professor John Rex's Introduction to the Report on the Development of Multicultural Education Policy in Four Local Education Authority Areas.
Annex B: 'All-White' Schools Project: Outline.
Annex C: A Report of Visits to Schools with few or no Ethnic Minority Pupils by Arnold Matthews.
Annex D: A Report of Visits to Schools with few or no Ethnic Minority Pupils by Laurie Fallows.

Chapter 6 'Education For All': A New Approach
1. Introduction-315

2. The Principles of 'Education For All'
-317
A 'Good' Education2.1318
Need to Challenge Racism2.3319
Not 'Teaching Culture' or 'Cultural Preservation'2.5321
Not 'Separate' provision or 'Tokenism'2.6323
Appreciation of Diversity2.7324
Educational Needs of Ethnic Minority Pupils2.8325
Language Needs2.9325
'Pastoral' Needs2.10325

3. Implications for the Curriculum
-326
Evaluating the Curriculum3.3328
Developments in the Humanities3.4329
Books and Teaching Materials3.5330
Relevance to other Curriculum Areas3.6332
Political Education3.7334
The 'Hidden' Curriculum3.13340

4. The Management of Change
-344
Review of the Curriculum4.2344
LEA Policy Statements4.3345


[page xxxii]

ParagraphPage
Multicultural Advisers4.4346
Work of HMI4.5347
The Role of the School Curriculum Development Committee4.6349
Examinations4.7350
Response by Schools4.8352
School Policies on Racism4.10354
Influence of Our Report4.11356
Regional Conferences4.12356
Resources4.13358
Section 114.13358
Other Sources of Funding4.14360
Ethnically-Based Statistics4.15362
Teacher Education4.16363
Government's Response to this Report4.17363
The Concept of 'Education for All'-363
Strategy for Implementation-364
Annexes
Annex A: 'Education for Racial Equality': Policy document from Berkshire LEA.
Annex B: Examples of Anti-Racist Policy Statements adopted by Two Multi-Racial Secondary Schools.

PART III: MAJOR AREAS OF CONCERN

Chapter 7 Language and Language Education
1. Introduction-385
Linguistic Diversity1.1385
The Task for Education1.2385
'Linguistic Prejudice'1.3386
This Chapter1.4386

2. English as a Second Language
-387
Changing Attitudes2.1387
Forms of Provision2.2387
Confusion with English as a Foreign Language2.3388
Language Centres2.4389
Withdrawal within Schools2.6390
Status of E2L2.7391
Arguments against 'Separate Provision'2.8391
Our View2.10392
Pre-School Provision2.11393
Primary Level2.12393


[page xxxiii]

ParagraphPage

Secondary Level
2.14394
'Team Teaching' Approach2.14395
Mainstream Attitudes2.15395
'Second-Stage' Needs2.16395
Teacher Education2.17396

3. Mother Tongue Provision
-397
Range of 'Mother Tongues'3.2398
What is 'Mother Tongue'?3.3398
Different Forms of Mother Tongue Provision3.4399
Making the Case3.5399
Aims of Mother Tongue Provision3.6400
Bullock Committee's View3.7401
EC Directive on the Education of Children of Migrant Workers3.8401
Research Evidence3.10403
The Welsh Experience3.12404
Parental Attitudes3.13404
Community Based Provision3.14405
Our View3.15406
Concern about 'Separate' Provision3.16406
Bilingual Resource3.17407
Enhanced Support for Community Based Provision3.18408
Mother Tongue Teaching3.19409
Attitudes of Pupils3.20410
Teachers of Ethnic Minority Community Languages3.21411
Survey of Capacity for Training Teachers of Community Languages3.22412
Resources and Examinations3.23412

4. Language Across the Curriculum
-413
Bullock Report4.1413
Ethnic Minority Dimension4.2414
'Cultural' Context of Language4.3415
Our View4.4416
The Role of a 'Language Coordinator'4.5418

5. Language Awareness and Linguistic Diversity
-419
Needs for Attitude Change5.2419
Different Forms of Language5.3420
The Linguistic Needs of West Indian Pupils5.4421
Various Approaches Adopted by Schools5.5421
Implications for Schools5.6422
Examples of Practice5.7423


[page xxxiv]

ParagraphPage
Monolingual Schools5.8423
Effect on Ethnic Minority Pupils5.9424
LEA Support5.10425
Teacher Education5.11425

Main Conclusions and Recommendations
426
Annexes
Annex A: Extract from evidence submitted by a multi-racial secondary school we visited describing their approach to cooperative teaching.
Annex B: Extract from evidence submitted to us by a head of English and an E2L Teacher describing how their school moved from E2L teaching on a withdrawal basis to provision within the mainstream curriculum.
Annex C: RSA Diploma in the Teaching of English as a Second Language in Multicultural Schools: Syllabus (Autumn 1983).
Annex D: Extract from Linguistic Minorities in England: A report from the Linguistic Minorities Project (LMP) - July 1983.
Annex E: EC Directive on Education of Children of Migrant Workers.
Annex F: Training of Teachers of Ethnic Minority Community Languages - A summary of a research project conducted by Professor M Craft and Dr M Atkins of the University of Nottingham.
Annex G: West Indian Language: Implications of the repertoire position for practice.
Annex H: Extract from 'Modern Languages in the Curriculum' by Professor Eric Hawkins.
Annex I : Extracts from 'The Languages Book', ILEA 1981.

Chapter 8 Religion and the Role of the School: Religious Education and the 'Separate' Schools Debate
I. Religious Education

1. Introduction
-465
Religious Diversity1.1465
Central Element in 'Ethnic Identity'1.2465
Religious Prejudice and Racism1.3466
This Chapter1.4466

2. The Principles of Religious Education
-467
A Contradiction in Terms?2.2467
Opposition to Religious Education in Schools2.3468
The 'Case' for Religious Education2.4468
Educational Grounds2.4468
Contribution to Intercultural and International Understanding2.5469


[page xxxv]

ParagraphPage

Key to Moral Education
2.6469
Various Approaches to Religious Education2.7470
Distinction Between 'Religious' and 'Educational' Aspects2.8471
The Place of Christianity2.9471
Views of Ethnic Minority Communities2.10473
Our View2.11474

3. The Practice of Religious Education
-476
The Legal Position3.2477
Provisions of the 1944 Act3.3477
The Act of Collective Worship-479
Origins and Intentions3.6479
Variety of Approaches to Assemblies3.7479
Our Own Findings3.8480
Right of Withdrawal3.9481
Distinction Between Assemblies and Acts of Worship3.10481
The Provision of Religious Instruction-483
The 'Case' for Agreed Syllabuses3.11483
The Content of Agreed Syllabuses3.12483
Our Evidence Gathering3.14486
Teaching Materials and Resources3.18488
Practice in Schools3.20489
Primary Level3.21489
Religious Education Coordinator3.23490
Secondary Level3.24491
The 'All-White' Dimension3.26492

4. The Supply and Training of Teachers of Religious Education
-493
Early Developments4.2493
Findings of the HMI Secondary Survey4.3494
Broader View of Religious Education4.4495

5. Conclusion
-496

II. The 'Separate' Schools Debate

1. Background
-498
Voluntary Aided Schools1.2499
Contrast with Existing Multi-Racial Schools1.3499


[page xxxvi]

ParagraphPage

2. The Concerns of the Asian Community
-500
Religious Context2.1500
The Case for 'Separate' Schools2.2501
Balance of the Curriculum2.2501
Ethnic Minority Teachers2.2501
Response to Racism2.3501
'External' Pressures2.4502
Particular Concerns of the Muslim Community2.5503
Influence of Islam2.6503
Educational Aspirations2.7504
Single Sex Schools2.8504
Decline in Single Sex Provision2.10508
Our Conclusions2.11508
Arguments Against 'Separate' Provision2.13510
Retaining the Option of Single Sex Schooling2.15511
Attitudes to Girls' Education2.16513
'Pastoral' Concerns2.16512
Future Developments2.18514
Wider Implications2.19514

3. The Concerns of the West Indian Community
-514
Calls for 'Black' Schools3.2515
Main Objectives3.4516
Our Concems3.5517

III. Main Conclusions and Recommendations
Annexes
Annex A: Extracts from the Education Act 1944.
Annex B: Extract from Religious Heritage and Personal Quest - Guidelines for Religious Education - Berkshire LEA 1982.
Annex C: Extract from evidence from a Primary School setting out its aims of Religious Education and describing a number of Projects which had been undertaken.
Annex D: Extracts from evidence submitted by Multi-Racial Secondary Schools setting out their aims and objectives of Religious Education.
Annex E: The Establishment of Voluntary Aided Schools - Background Explanatory Notes by the DES.

Chapter 9 Teacher Education and the Employment of Ethnic Minority Teachers
This Chapter-541


[page xxxvii]

ParagraphPage

I. Teacher Education
541

1. Introduction
-541
Organisation of Teacher Education1.1541
Changing Nature of the Teaching Force1.2543
Academic Standards1.3543

2. Initial Training
-543
Overall Context2.1543
Assimilation2.2544
Integration2.3544
Development of Multicultural Education2.4545
CRC/ATCDE Report2.5546
Research Reports2.6548
Dual Themes2.8551
The Task for Teacher Education2.9551
Different Forms of Provision2.11556
Permeation2.12556
Core Studies2.16559
Needs of Ethnic Minority Pupils2.18561
Optional Courses2.20563
Practical Experience2.22564
Our View2.23566
Role of CATE2.24567
Selection of Students and Qualified Teacher Status2.25568
Validation2.26569

3. In-Service Training
-570
Induction Training-570
Background3.2570
Current Situation3.3571
General Conclusions3.4573
The Multi-Racial Dimension3.5573
Other In-Service Training-575
Early Provision3.8576
Research Studies3.11578
Our Approach3.12583
Permeation of In-Service Provision3.12583
Training of Heads and Senior Staff3.13584
Specialised In-Service Provision3.14584
Award-Bearing Courses3.14584
Centres of Specialism3.15585
Short Courses3.16585
Racism Awareness Training3.17587


[page xxxviii]

ParagraphPage

'All-White' Dimension
3.18588
Financial Support3.20590
School Based Activities3.21592
In-Service Policy Statements and their Implementation3.24596
Training the Trainers3.25597

II. The Employment of Ethnic Minority Teachers
599

1. Background
-599
Absence of Statistical Data1.2600

2. The Case for More Ethnic Minority Teachers
-601
Equality of Opportunity in Employment2.2601
Educational Arguments for more Ethnic Minority Teachers2.4603
The Multi-Racial Context2.4603
Potential Contribution to an 'All-White' School2.5604
Recruitment2.6605

3. Sources of Ethnic Minority Teachers
-605
Teachers with Overseas Qualifications3.2606
'Special Access' Courses3.3607
Attitudes of Ethnic Minority Youngsters3.5609
Relationship with Underachievement3.6610

III. Main Conclusions and Recommendations
611

Annexes
Annex A: Paper by Derek Cherrington and Ray Giles summarising the Findings of a National Survey of Multicultural Aspects of Teacher Training.
Annex B: Paper by HMI Ivor Ambrose summarising the Findings of an Inspection Exercise to Investigate the Coverage of Multicultural Education in Initial and In-Service Teacher Training courses.
Annex C: Extracts from Evidence received from Two Teacher Training Institutions reflecting the underlying principles of Permeation.
Annex D: Extracts from Evidence illustrating the ways in which Multicultural Issues have been incorporated in the Core Studies of various Teacher Training Institutions.
Annex E : Extracts from Evidence relating to Optional Courses offered by various Teacher Training Institutions.
Annex F : Extract from Evidence describing the work undertaken in a PGCE Option Course in Multicultural Education at a University Department of Education.


[page xxxix]

Annex G: Council for National Academic Awards - Multicultural Education: Discussion Paper.
Annex H: Data from Little and Willey's Research Report 'Studies in the Multi-Ethnic Curriculum' relating to In-Service Training.
Annex I : National Programme of 'Training the Trainers' Courses.
Annex J : Admissions of Ethnic Minorities to Teacher Education Studies from Access Courses.


PART IV: 'OTHER' ETHNIC MINORITY GROUPS
ParagraphPage

Introduction
-649
The Range of Ethnic Minority Groups1649
Communities Considered2649
Evidence Gathering3650
This Part of the Report4651

Chapter 10 The Educational Needs of Children of Chinese Origin
Background-653
Immigration2653
Settlement3653
Ethnic Identity4654
Culture and Religion5655

Education
-656
Language7656
Curriculum Content12658
'Late Arrivals'13659
Teachers' Attitudes14661
Parental Attitudes15661
Home Environment16662
'Mother Tongue' and Community-Based Provision17663
Achievement20666
Careers21666

Racism
-667

Conclusion
-668

Annex: Extracts from 'Community Education: The Unknown Perspective - Chinese Mother Tongue Classes'. Ming Tsow.


[page xl]

ParagraphPage

Chapter 11 The Educational Needs of Children of Cypriot Origin
Background-671
Size of the Community1671
Immigration2671
Reasons for Migration3671
Patterns of Settlement4672
Socio-Economic Status5673
Religious and Cultural Background6674
Cypriot Identity7675
Visits 'Home'7675
'Myth of Return'8676

Education
-677
Parental Attitudes9677
Aspirations11679
Expectations of Boys and Girls12680
Language: E2L13680
Language: 'Mother Tongue'14682
Community-Based Provision15684
Curriculum Content16685
Teachers17685
Achievement18685
Reasons for Underachievement19687
School to Work20690

Racism
-691

Conclusion
-692

Chapter 12 The Educational Needs of Children of Italian Origin
Background-695
Immigration2695
Settlement3696
Ethnic Identity4696
Home Background5697
Socio-Economic Status6698

Education
-699
Home/School Conflict7699
Achievement8699
The Teaching of English9699


[page xli]

ParagraphPage
'Mother Tongue' Provision10701
Italian Government Support12702
EC Sponsored 'Mother Tongue and Culture'16705
Pilot Project16705

Racism
-707

Conclusion
-707

Annex: Outline of the EC Sponsored Project 'Mother Tongue and Culture in Bedfordshire'.

Chapter 13 The Educational Needs of Children of Ukranian Origin
Background-711
Size and Settlement of the Community2711
Religious and Linguistic Background3711
Ukranian Identity4712

Education
-712
Achievement5712
Educational Concerns6713
  - English Teaching (E2L)6713
  - Teachers' Background Knowledge6713
'Mother Tongue Teaching'7714
Possible LEA Support10716

Conclusion
-716

Chapter 14 The Educational Needs of Vietnamese Children
Background-719
Size and Nature of the Community2719
Particular Problems3720
'Refugee Trauma'3720
Reception4720
Resettlement4721
Dispersal5721

Education
-723
Language Needs7723
Effects of Dispersal8723
Scale of E2L Need9724
Parental Attitudes to Education10725


[page xlii]

ParagraphPage
Teachers' Attitudes11725
Achievement12725
'Late Arrivals'13726
Vietnamese Teachers14726

Racism
-727

Conclusion
-729

Annex A: Language - An Extract from 'Vietnamese Children in Derby'.
Annex B: Article taken from 'The Times' 12 March 1983.

Chapter 15 The Educational Needs of 'Liverpool Blacks'
Background-733
Definition of 'Liverpool Blacks'2733
Location of Group3734

Education
-735

Conclusion
14738

Chapter 16 The Educational Needs of Travellers' Children

An Ethnic Minority Group?
1739

Background
-740
Size of the Community3740
Site Provision4741
'Designation'5741

Education
-743
School Attendance9743
Parental Attitudes10744
Non-Attendance11744
Expectations12745
LEA Responsibilities12745
LEA Policies15747
'Open Door' Policy15747
On-Site Provision16747
Provision within Schools17748
Particular Educational Needs of Travellers' Children18749
Teaching Materials19750
Record-Keeping20751


[page xliii]

ParagraphPage

Secondary Provision
21751
Teachers of Travellers22752
Role of the DES and HMI23753

Racism
-754

Conclusion
-756

Annex: Extract from The Education of Travellers' Children - An HMI Discussion Document. DES. 1983.

Reflections and Conclusions

Common 'Ethnic Minority Experience'
1760
'Ethnic Identity'2760
Influence of Racism3761
Educational Concerns4762

PART V: MAIN CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Introduction
-767

2. Achievement and Underachievement
-767

3. Education for All
-769

4. A Strategy for Change
-769

5. Language and Language Education
-771
General-771
English as a Second Language-771
Mother Tongue Provision-771

6. Religion and the Role of the School
-772
Religious Education-772
The 'Separate' Schools Debate-773
7. Teacher Education and the Employment of Ethnic Minority Teachers-774

Teacher Education
-774
The Employment of Ethnic Minority Teachers-775


[page xliv]

APPENDICES TO THE REPORT

Appendix A Co-opted members to Sub-Committees.

Appendix B List of Educational Institutions which have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix C List of LEAs and organisations which have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix D List of individuals who have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix E List of open meetings or 'forums' arranged to hear the views of parents and young people.


[page 1 (unnumbered)]


PART I

Setting the Scene





[page 3]

CHAPTER 1

The Nature of Society




Education and the Nature of Society

1. The relationship between the education offered in our schools and the broader nature of society has of course long been the subject of considerable debate and discussion in educational circles. In drawing up our terms of reference the then government set the context for our work in a society which they described as:

'both multiracial and culturally diverse.'
In considering the broader and longer term implications of the various specific issues to which we have devoted attention in this report, we have increasingly been led to reflect upon the nature of British society today, and particularly the relationship within it between the ethnic majority community and the ethnic minority groups with whose needs we have been chiefly concerned. In order to set the overall context for our work we feel it is important to begin by setting out clearly our view of the kind of multiracial society for which we believe the education system should be preparing all youngsters, and the extent to which the reality of life in Britain today is at variance with this ideal.

'Ethnic Identity'

2. By birth, choice or chance we are all members of a variety of different 'groups', the members of which share characteristics which distinguish them from other groups. Our 'membership' of particular groups may be based on characteristics, such as age or gender, which are easily perceived and over which we have no control, or on less obvious characteristics, such as occupation or religion, which can derive from social circumstances and may to some extent be based on choice and which may vary over time. Membership of a particular ethnic group is however one of the most important aspects of an individual's identity - in how he or she perceives him or herself and in how he or she is perceived by others. A particular ethnic group may be characterised both by shared physical attributes such as skin colour, which are constant and which are not a matter of choice, and also by certain shared cultural attributes, which may be open to change or choice but which can also serve as powerful forces in maintaining that group's distinctiveness. We believe it would be entirely wrong to overestimate the extent to which an individual's character, lifestyle or abilities can in any sense be fully understood simply on the


[page 4]

basis of the ethnic group to which he or she may belong. It would nevertheless be similarly naive in our opinion to deny the crucial role which ethnicity, perhaps particularly in the 'eye of the beholder', can play in determining an individual's place in this society. Whilst individuals may belong to different groups of various kinds they are in addition also part of the wider national society by virtue of a range of common shared characteristics, such as a common language and a common political and legal system, which, taken together, give that society a degree of unity and its members a form of 'corporate identity'. A democratic society can in general terms be seen to be further united by a shared commitment to certain essential freedoms and to fundamental values such as a belief in justice and equality.

Assimilation or Separatism

3. In Britain today, there are members of many diverse and numerically smaller ethnic minority groups living alongside a majority group which, though far from homogeneous in its actual composition, history and origins, is nevertheless regarded as, and tends to regard itself as, sharing a common ethnic identity. A number of important and fundamental issues arise however over the relationship which can and should exist between the ethnic majority group and the various ethnic minority groups and it is on the resolution of these issues that the future of our multiracial society depends. In theory there are two extreme forms which the relationship between ethnic minority groups and ethnic majority group can take in a society. On the one hand, there is full assimilation - where the minority group loses all the distinctive characteristics of its identity and is ultimately absorbed and subsumed within the majority group. On the other hand, there is separatism - where minority and majority groups continue to live in the same society but each effectively operating within their own separate 'compartment', with the minimum interaction needed in order to coexist. In our view neither of these 'solutions' offers a just or indeed practicable basis for a multiracial society. A deliberate social policy of assimilation would, we believe, be a denial of the fundamental freedom of all individuals to differ on aspects of their lives where no single way can justifiably be presented as universally appropriate. The sense of 'ethnic identity' amongst many members of ethnic minority groups, as we have indeed found time and time again throughout our work, is very strong and there is little indication that this will simply dissolve in the face of the influence of the majority group's way of life. Even if minority groups were prepared to lose some aspects of their identity in this way, there are, as we have already observed, certain features of the ethnic identity of some minority groups, most notably perhaps skin colour, which individuals cannot change even if they so wish and which are likely therefore to continue to distinguish them from other


[page 5]

members of society and thus prevent full assimilation. Equally we consider that a policy of enforced 'separate development' of different groups would be unlikely to offer equality or justice to the members of all groups, least of all the numerically smaller minorities. Indeed, a society based, in this way, on the enforcement of rigid divisions between different groups within it could be said to be almost a contradiction in terms, since a degree of shared experience can be seen as one of the major factors in maintaining a cohesive society.

The Concept of Pluralism

4. We consider that a multiracial society such as ours would in fact function most effectively and harmoniously on the basis of pluralism which enables, expects and encourages members of all ethnic groups, both minority and majority, to participate fully in shaping the society as a whole within a framework of commonly accepted values, practices and procedures, whilst also allowing and, where necessary, assisting the ethnic minority communities in maintaining their distinct ethnic identities within this common framework. Clearly the balance between the shared common identity of society as a whole and the distinct identities of different ethnic groups is crucial in establishing and maintaining a pluralist society, and it must be recognised that such a society places obligations on both the minority and majority groups within it, if it is to offer them all a full range of benefits and opportunities. In a democratic pluralist society, we believe all members of that society, regardless of ethnic origin, have an obligation to abide by the current laws of the country and to seek to change them only through peaceful and democratic means, but there is also an obligation on government to ensure equal treatment and protection by the law for members of all groups, together with equality of access to education and employment, equal freedom and opportunity to participate fully in social and political life, both locally and nationally, equal freedom of cultural expression and equal freedom of conscience for all. The ethnic majority community in a truly pluralist society cannot expect to remain untouched and unchanged by the presence of ethnic minority groups - indeed the concept of pluralism implies seeing the very diversity of such a society, in terms for example of the range of religious experience and the variety of languages and language forms, as an enrichment of the experience of all those within it. Similarly, however, the ethnic minority communities cannot in practice preserve all elements of their cultures and lifestyles unchanged and in their entirety - indeed if they were to wish to do so it would in many cases be impossible for them then to take on the shared values of the wider pluralist society. In order to retain their identities when faced with the pervasive influences of the lifestyle of the majority community, ethnic


[page 6]

minority groups must nevertheless be free within the democratic framework to maintain those elements which they themselves consider to be the most essential to their sense of ethnic identity - whether these take the form of adherence to a particular religious faith or the maintenance of their own language for use within the home and their ethnic community - without fear of prejudice or persecution by other groups. It is important to emphasise here free choice for individuals, so that all may move and develop as they wish within the structure of the pluralist society. We would thus regard a democratic pluralist society as seeking to achieve a balance between, on the one hand, the maintenance and active support of the essential elements of the cultures and lifestyles of all the ethnic groups within it, and, on the other, the acceptance by all groups of a set of shared values distinctive of the society as a whole. This then is our view of a genuinely pluralist society, as both socially cohesive and culturally diverse.

Variance with Reality

5. In looking at the relationship which exists in Britain today between the ethnic majority and the various ethnic minority groups, which are now an integral part of our society, we believe that the pluralist ideal which we have put forward is far from being realised. Many within the majority community appear to be largely oblivious to the significance of the multiracial nature of society, tending to regard the members of ethnic minority groups very much as 'immigrants' and 'outsiders' even though almost all have either been born in this country or belong to groups which have been established here for many years. Where the ethnic minority communities are accepted as belonging here it frequently seems to be very much on the understanding that there is an onus on them to adapt their lifestyles to conform to the traditional British way of life so as to cause as little disruption as possible to the lives of the majority community and even the suggestion that the presence of these groups might have a bearing on the lives of the majority community appears to be dismissed. Thus in many respects the majority community appears to favour the development of a multiracial society along assimilationist lines in which the ethnic minority communities in due course merge with an unchanged ethnic majority group. As we have already pointed out however, such a 'solution' is, in our view, both unrealistic and unjust and would make quite unreasonable demands on the ethnic minority communities. In contrast to, and to some extent in consequence of, these views within the ethnic majority community, there are growing signs within some ethnic minority communities of a trend towards a separatist philosophy - a tendency to begin to look inwards to reinforcing their separate group identities at the expense of looking outwards to the wider community which, having rejected


[page 7]

them, they are now in turn choosing to reject. We believe that unless major efforts are made to reconcile the concerns and aspirations of both the majority and minority communities along more genuinely pluralist lines, there is a real risk of the fragmentation of our society along ethnic lines which would seriously threaten the stability and cohesion of society as a whole.

Diversity within Unity

6. It is essential, we feel, to acknowledge the reality of the multiracial context in which we all now live, to recognise the positive benefits and opportunities which this offers all of us and to seek to build together a society which both values the diversity within it, whilst united by the cohesive force of the common aims, attributes and values which we all share. In advocating the development of our society along ethnically pluralist lines we are conscious that Britain can in principle be seen as already pluralist in other respects, for example in terms of the regional variations and various cultural groupings which are readily accepted as part of the overall British 'way of life'. We are not therefore seeking a radically different social structure, but rather looking for an extension of this existing pluralism to embrace ethnic minority communities. We realise that some people when faced with our aim of a more genuinely pluralist society may challenge this as in some way seeking to undermine an ill-defined and nebulous concept of 'true Britishness'. The identity of our society however represents an amalgam of all the various forces which have been and indeed are still at work within it and the many influences which have impinged upon it from outside. Thus to seek to represent 'being British' as something long established and immutable fails to acknowledge that the concept is in fact dynamic and ever changing, adapting and absorbing new ideas and influences. As put in evidence to us:

'Britain has always been a multi-cultural society. Over four centuries of Empire and Commonwealth it has become a multiracial society. This process is irreversible - a legacy of British history.'
and, as the Home Secretary himself has asserted (1):
'It is no longer appropriate to speak of the ethnic minorities in this country as immigrants. Already almost half of Britain's population whose origins lie in the New Commonwealth or Pakistan were born here. Many more were brought up in this country and, for practical purposes, know no other. Britain is their home. They belong here; they are here to stay and to play their part in the life of their country.'
(1) Speech at the Hindu Cultural Centre and Temple, Bradford. 22 July 1983.


[page 8]

We believe that a genuinely pluralist society cannot be achieved without the social integration of ethnic minority communities and the ethnic majority community within a common whole. Whilst we are not looking for the assimilation of the minority communities within an unchanged dominant way of life, we are perhaps looking for the 'assimilation' of all groups within a redefined concept of what it means to live in British society today. We are not seeking to fit ethnic minorities into a mould which was originally cast for a society, relatively homogeneous in language, religion and culture, nor to break this mould completely and replace it with one which is in all senses 'foreign' to our established way of life. We are instead looking to recast the mould into a form which retains the fundamental principles of the original but within a broader pluralist conspectus diversity within unity.

Influence of Racism

7. This then is our view of the kind of pluralist multiracial society for which we believe the education system should help to lay the foundations - a theme which we go on to develop further in this report. Before doing so however it is essential to discuss the influence of the racism faced by many ethnic minority communities, both in terms of its influence on individual attitudes and behaviour and its less obvious but in many respects more pervasive influence on institutional policies and practices - which can be seen as the major obstacle to the realisation of the kind of society which we have envisaged here. We devote our next chapter therefore to considering this controversial and difficult area of concern.




[page 9]

CHAPTER 2

Racism: Theory and Practice




As we said in our interim report:

'Very few people can be said to be entirely without prejudice of one kind or another and in this country, due in part at least to the influence of history, these prejudices may be directed against West Indians and other non-white ethnic minority groups. A well-intentioned and apparently sympathetic person may, as a result of his education, experiences or environment, have negative, patronising or stereotyped views about ethnic minority groups which may subconsciously affect his attitude and behaviour towards members of those groups ... We see such attitudes and behaviour as a form of 'unintentional' racism.

Although genuine misunderstandings can sometimes lead people, both black and white, to believe mistakenly that racism lies behind certain behaviour or situations, we are convinced from the evidence that we have obtained that racism, both intentional and unintentional, has a direct and important bearing on the performance of West Indian children in our schools.

The suggestion that teachers are in any way racist understandably arouses very strong reactions from the profession and is often simply rejected out of hand as entirely unjustified and malicious. Since a profession of nearly half a million people must to a great extent reflect the attitudes of society at large there must inevitably be some teachers who hold explicitly racist views. Such teachers are very much in the minority. We have, however, found some evidence of what we have described as unintentional racism in the behaviour and attitudes of other teachers whom it would be misleading to describe as racist in the commonly accepted sense. They firmly believe that any prejudices they may have can do no harm since they are not translated into any openly discriminatory behaviour. Nevertheless, if their attitudes are influenced in any way by prejudices against ethnic minority groups, this can and does, we believe, have a detrimental effect on all children whom they encounter.'

Extract from our Interim Report
'West Indian Children in our Schools'.


[page 10]

1. Introduction

The Changing Climate of the Debate

1.1 Since we referred in these terms in our interim report to the role which racism could play in the educational experience of ethnic minority children, we believe that there has been a quite marked shift in opinion, both within the education system and society at large, on the propriety of openly discussing this issue. Views may still differ on the nature of racism, the extent of its influence and how best to overcome its effects. Even those people who would challenge its very existence in this country however now seem to accept it as a concept which justifies full and careful consideration and are willing to consider the possibility that certain attitudes and procedures may work against particular ethnic minority groups in society. Whereas in the early part of our work the mere mention of the word racism, in meetings and discussions with educationists and others, was sometimes sufficient to provoke extreme reactions of anger, distress and defensiveness, more recently we have found a far greater willingness to explore this issue in a balanced and dispassionate manner. The considerable attention devoted by the media to considering racial disadvantage and discrimination in the wake of the disturbances in some inner city areas during 1981, and subsequently Lord Scarman's well-publicised report, (1) have clearly done much in bringing about this new climate of opinion and it seems that in education circles at least our interim report has also contributed to the debate. Since we believe that the key to understanding the concept of racism lies in creating a situation where people are willing and able to examine and appraise attitudes and practices, both their own and other people's, free from preconceived notions of superiority and inferiority, or 'guilt' and 'innocence', we are greatly encouraged by this heightened level of awareness.

Reactions to Our Interim Report

1.2 The conclusions which we drew in our interim report on the issue of racism provoked a good deal of reaction and comment at the time and many people welcomed the fact that we had sought to tackle an issue which they felt had in the past often tended to be overlooked in consideration of the educational needs of ethnic minorities. There was a general indication however, especially in the comments we received from individual heads and teachers, that some people felt that we had not dealt with this complex and difficult issue in sufficient depth and had in some respects therefore failed to present convincing and fully substantiated arguments to justify the conclusions we had reached. Some of our readers felt that we had taken our consideration or racism too far, whilst others felt that we

(1) 'The Brixton Disorders' - Report of an Inquiry by the Rt. Hon. the Lord Scarman OBE. Cmnd 8427. HMSO. November 1981.


[page 11]

had not gone far enough in considering the wide-ranging influence of racism in all its forms and how this should be challenged. From some of the misunderstandings which arose in discussions about our views on what we termed 'unintentional' racism, it seemed in particular that the distinctions which we had sought to draw between this and the more overt manifestations of 'intentional' racism still remained unclear in some people's minds. The following extracts from responses to our interim report illustrate vividly the wide variety of feelings inspired by our comments on racism:

'This (racism) is a very unhelpful term. Unless you are applying it to the extremes of racial prejudice then it has no real meaning ... suffice it to say the Scarman [report] found no evidence of institutional prejudice in Britain. Moreover in my 21 years in the (teaching) profession, spread across five schools and four authorities, I have not met a single teacher who can be described as prejudiced against his or her pupils on the grounds of race. What I have observed, overwhelmingly, is a goodwill and a tolerance towards all children which has never failed to impress me. The English teaching profession has a very pronounced tendency to perceive children as unique individuals-regardless of the colour of their skins.'

'(We are) appalled that without giving details of the supportive evidence, the Committee felt impelled to say "... racism, both intentional and unintentional, has a direct and important bearing on the performance of West Indian children in our schools". We do not deny, however, that schools contain pupils who are growing up in a prejudiced world, or that some teachers may have formed stereotyped ideas of West Indian children and of their abilities which are insensitive. Despite this the vast majority of teachers are determined to combat the prejudices which children may bring to school from outside and which may reflect society's attitudes.'

'The Interim Report rightly calls attention to racism as one of the significant factors bearing on the "achievement" of "West Indian" children. We would go further and suggest that racism, in various forms, exists in our schools, that it affects the development of all our children, and that one of the school's fundamental tasks is to prepare its pupils to live constructively in a multi-racial society ... we ... believe that it is a priority for our schools. We would hope that the Final Report will give an equally central place to an acknowledgement that racism exists and an analysis of how it works and how it affects children


[page 12]

(white and black) and teachers. It has become conventional (and the Interim Report echoes this tendency) to speak of most racism as "unintentional". However, we believe this is too innocent a description. Racism in fact has many faces - there is semiconscious racism, rationalised racism, covert racism, and many forms of silent collusion. It is important that teachers and heads understand racism in all its depth and complexity, rather than allow themselves to believe simplistically that all racism in schools is "unintentional".'
In view of the wide range of reaction illustrated by these comments we make no apologies for returning in this report to the issue of racism.

Our Approach to Racism

1.3 In this chapter we seek not only to take up some of the specific points relating to racism which have been made in evidence to us but also to correct some of the misunderstandings which may have arisen from our interim report. Since the issue of racism is clearly so emotive, in an effort to analyse its causes and effects, we begin by looking at the broad concept of prejudice and then move on to consider the ethnic minority dimension of prejudice - racism - and its influence on the educational experience of both ethnic minority and ethnic majority pupils. In so doing, we attempt to set out our view of how the overall climate of racism which exists in Britain today has arisen and the various ways in which this bears on the lives of all members of this society - thus setting the scene for our consideration, later in this report, of the contribution which we believe the education system can and should make to challenging racism and laying the foundations for the kind of genuinely pluralist society which we envisaged in our opening chapter.

2. The Concept of Prejudice

The Mechanism of Prejudice

2.1 The concept of prejudice - a preconceived opinion or bias for or against someone or something - is a fact of life in this society. We could all be said to have 'prejudices' in the sense of likes and dislikes and these are inevitably determined to a greater or lesser extent by our own upbringing and experiences, by the climate of opinion at the time, and by the facts or at least the version of them, however tenuous, that we receive from 'influential others', be they family, friend, teacher, church leader or the media. Where prejudice, we believe, often goes beyond simple likes and dislikes however is in the very literal sense that something or, more importantly, someone is being prejudged i.e. evaluated on the basis of assumed characteristics in advance, and, by implication, without adequate information on


[page 13]

which to base a rational judgement. Whereas people's straightforward preferences are generally open to reason and thus to change, if these attitudes have become hardened and more deeply ingrained as 'prejudices' they can be seen as no longer open to question or discussion and thus as rigid, immutable and irreversible. (2) Because prejudice in its very nature overlooks the actual qualities or merits of an individual person, it is often directed against, (and, less frequently, in favour of), groups of people who are assumed to share common attributes and behaviour patterns. Prejudice thus requires that one has formed a stereotype of a particular 'group' of people, be they women drivers, trade unionists or 'immigrants', which then allows one to judge a member of this group, and in particular their actions, according to an established set of expectations. This clearly leaves little room for flexibility in forming opinions of people and even if, on closer acquaintance, a member of a particular group is found not to conform to the code of behaviour expected of him or her, this can all to easily be seen simply as an exception to the rule rather than as a reason to question the validity of the established stereotype of their group. There seem thus to be two factors which are essential for prejudices initially to be formed and subsequently maintained and even reinforced - firstly, ignorance, in the literal sense of lack of knowledge on which to base informed opinions and judgements, and, secondly, the existence and promulgation of stereotypes of particular groups of people as conveyed by the major informers of public opinion most notably the media and the education process.

The Task for Education

2.2 The role of education in relation to prejudice is surely therefore clear - to equip a pupil with knowledge and understanding in place of ignorance and to develop his or her ability to formulate views and attitudes and to assess and judge situations on the basis of this knowledge. In thus encouraging a child to think critically and to make increasingly rational judgements, education should seek to counter any mistaken impressions or inaccurate, hearsay evidence which he or she may have acquired within the family, peer group or, more broadly, from the local community or the media. In seeking to correct misunderstandings, it is however essential that under no circumstances does education become simply a process of

(2) As explained by Professor Michael Banton in his book 'White and Coloured':
'the word 'prejudice' is derived from the Latin 'praejudicium', which meant a precedent, a judgement based on previous decisions and experiences. In English the word carne to mean a prejudgement and it is still sometimes understood in this sense, though it will be clear upon reflection that this is not its normal meaning, for prejudgements are necessary in almost everything we do, whereas no one could claim the same for prejudices. Prejudgements become prejudices only if they are not subject to modification in the light of new experience. One of the major characteristics of prejudice is this mental rigidity which the prejudiced individual maintains by twisting new information to accord with his stereotyped preconceptions.'


[page 14]

indoctrinating (3) a child into one particular way of thinking as the only 'right and proper' view, since in so doing, his or her capacity to make reasoned and rational judgements may, in effect, again be undermined, by simply replacing one stereotype with another. In this respect we would see it as no more desirable or defensible for the education system to seek to create or perpetuate positive prejudices in favour of a particular group than to countenance negative views.

Negative Prejudice

2.3 From looking at the many forms of prejudice which exist it is clear that one of the major catalysts in a group becoming subject to prejudice is that its members are seen as in some way outside the mainstream of society and aberrant from an accepted code of behaviour. In many respects this perceived 'strangeness' or 'difference', whilst perhaps an inevitable consequence of ignorance, seems to arouse suspicion, hostility and even fear, as constituting an ill-defined threat to the values and traditions of the majority community. Thus negative prejudice - where the members of a particular group are themselves resented or rejected - seems regrettably to be more commonplace than prejudice of a positive nature.

3. The Ethnic Minority Dimension of Prejudice

Ethnic Minorities as Outsiders

3.1 In view of the elements of prejudice which we have identified, it is perhaps inevitable that ethnic minority groups, who are relative newcomers to this country, should find themselves subject to possibly the most insidious and pernicious form of negative prejudice in our society - racism. Although ethnic minority groups are an integral part of this society and indeed almost all the ethnic minority children in this country are now British-born, from the continual references both in evidence to us and more generally, to ethnic minorities as 'immigrants', and 'foreigners', this seems to be far from generally accepted by the majority community. One of the most vivid illustrations of how even long established ethnic minority communities can find themselves still regarded as 'outsiders' is possibly the situation of the 'black' community in Liverpool (and some other seaports in this country such as Cardiff and Bristol) which, although established over several generations, still suffer from extremes of racial prejudice. The prejudice encountered by members of ethnic minority groups can take a range of different forms and may for example manifest itself as linguistic prejudice - against non-English speakers - or religious prejudice - against those whose religion differs from that

(3) By the term 'indoctrination' we have in mind what IA Snook ('Indoctrination and education' (1972) described as:
'(suggesting) that someone is taking advantage of a privileged role to influence those under his charge in a manner which is likely to distort their ability to assess the evidence on its own merits.'


[page 15]

of the majority community. In addition, where the members of a particular ethnic minority group share an identifiably different skin colour from the majority community this can of course provide one of the most obvious manifestations of 'difference' which can serve as a basis for irrational prejudice. Negative prejudice against ethnic minority groups can however extend beyond the 'colour divide' and may be experienced, albeit to a lesser extent, by the 'white' ethnic minorities in this country - as we explain, later in this report, in our chapters relating to the Italian, Cypriot and Travelling communities.

3.2 On a broader level we feel it is important to bear in mind that the arrival of sizeable and visible ethnic minority communities, especially in some northern industrial centres, coincided with the decline of long established traditional industries and the consequent rising unemployment. It is perhaps understandable that, in the absence of an effective explanation of the background to these developments both in schools and the media, this coincidence was all too readily seen as 'cause and effect' and the 'newcomers' simply blamed, quite unjustly, for the effects of the recession. In these circumstances, growing competition for housing and jobs has created particular tensions which have undoubtedly exacerbated negative prejudices against ethnic minorities.

Stereotyping of Ethnic Minorities

3.3 An equally influential factor in the growth of racial prejudice in this country has been the general lack of knowledge amongst the ethnic majority community of ethnic minority communities which in turn has allowed inaccurate stereotypes to flourish. This ignorance extends to virtually every aspect of the background of ethnic minority communities - their countries of origin, the languages they speak and their religious and cultural traditions. We ourselves have now ceased to be surprised when even in multi-racial areas and schools, pupils and teachers refer to all non-white ethnic minorities collectively as 'Pakis' and to their language as 'Indian' or 'African', or regard the wearing of a turban or not eating meat as simply matters of personal preference, which can be altered by 'gentle persuasion'. We have encountered in the course of our work a vast range of myths and stereotypes of different ethnic minority groups. The most immediately relevant in our context are clearly those which relate to the expectations which the education system appears to have of ethnic minority pupils, such as 'West Indian children will be good at sports but "not academic"'; 'Asian children will be hard working and well motivated but likely to have unrealistically high career aspirations'; 'Chinese children will be reserved, well behaved, and likely to be "under pressure" at home from having to help in the family business in the evenings.'


[page 16]

3.4 Ethnic minorities also appear to be placed in an 'order of merit' in terms of the groups generally considered most/least desirable to have in a school - teachers, on the one hand, for example, praising Chinese pupils for the lack of trouble they cause and expressing the wish that they could have 'a class full of them', and, on the other hand, explaining that they were 'fortunate' to have only a few West Indian pupils. This situation may be further complicated where stereotypes already exist of particular areas of a town or city which have traditionally been seen as 'depressed' and 'deprived', with all the assumed concomitant educational needs amongst the children, and these stereotypes - which are regrettable in themselves - are simply transferred to recently-established ethnic minority communities living in the same areas, who may in fact have an entirely different set of attitudes and expectations from the local 'white' community.

3.5 Some of the stereotypes of certain ethnic minority groups can be seen as a legacy of history - from the days of the British Empire - and as a consequence of the view of other nations and peoples as in some sense 'inferior', which was until relatively recently promulgated through the curriculum offered by many schools. A striking example of the powerful influence of such stereotypes was the marked difference which we ourselves found between the relative perceptions which some teachers have of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. Youngsters from the Greek Cypriot community were generally seen very much in a positive light as enriching the cultural wealth of the classroom whilst those from the Turkish Cypriot community tended to be viewed negatively as potential underachievers and disruptive elements. In discussions with representatives of both communities there was general agreement that the causes for this surprising variation lay firstly in the difference in skin colour - Greek Cypriot children tending to be lighter skinned than their Turkish Cypriot peers, this seemingly being equated, in the minds of some teachers, with greater academic ability - and secondly in the very different historical stereotypes which exist of the Greeks and the Turks - the former being seen as a major influence on the evolution of Western civilisation and culture, and the latter as 'barbarians'.

Influence of the Media

3.6 Much of the responsibility for the creation and continuance of stereotypes of ethnic minority youngsters within the education system can we believe be seen to derive from inadequate or even misleading attempts to explain the background of ethnic minorities which may in fact serve to resurrect and perpetuate inaccurate stereotypes. In discussing stereotypes of ethnic minority communities it is impossible not to take account of the pervasive influence of


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all branches of the media in today's society. A report (4) by a group of teachers in 1983 emphasised the generally negative way in which ethnic minority groups were treated in a range of television programmes and concluded that:

'... there was a distinct under-representation in the selected programmes of the (ethnic minority) groups we studied, with too few positive and realistic images of them made available. There was little suggestion of the part they were playing, or might play, in contemporary society, and such treatment as there was in the selected programmes tended to reinforce stereotypes, or link members of these groups to a problem. In giving insufficient coverage to these groups, television is not only giving a distorted view of the society in which it operates; it is also missing opportunities to provide a richer, more varied coverage of human experience ...'
A background paper prepared by one of our members, reviewing the literature on the role of the media in relation to race relations, is attached as Annex A to this Chapter, and shows that this negative and unhelpful stance on the part of the media is by no means new. It is clear that images, whether on television or in newspapers, can influence greatly an individual's outlook or perception of events, especially where they have no knowledge or personal experience to weigh against the general impression presented. In our own discussions with groups of white youngsters in schools well away from areas of ethnic minority settlement, it was notable that the mere mention of Brixton or Liverpool evoked common 'knowledge' of these areas, based almost exclusively on the television reports of the disturbances which had taken place there, although few if any of them had actually visited parts of the country away from their own localities.

3.7 A further dimension which we found in our visits to 'all white' areas - which clearly illustrates the irrationality of some aspects of racism - is the confusion which can arise where there are conflicting stereotypes, for example, where youngsters from the majority community may be prejudiced against Asians on the grounds that, on the one hand, 'they all live on Social Security', and on the other, that 'they're all taking our jobs'. Several teachers whom we met felt that such attitudes could only be countered effectively by a balanced and open consideration of the multi-racial nature of society today, throughout the school curriculum so that youngsters were led to hold more rational opinions about ethnic minority communities and adopt a more positive view of today's society. We ourselves believe

(4) 'Popular TV and School Children' The report of a group of teachers. DES. April 1983.


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that the education system can and must playa major part in challenging the stereotyping of ethnic minority communities in order to counter the pervasive influence of racism.

4. The Roots of Racism

Reasons for Migration

4.1 Before considering the influence of racism in practice we believe it is important to look at the particular background factors relating to the original migration of different ethnic minorities to this country and the reactions and responses which the emergence of an increasingly complex multi-racial society has evoked from both the minority and majority communities. In general terms a clear distinction can be drawn between, on the one hand, those communities where the majority of the original immigrants can be seen as refugees from conflict and internal strife in their own countries, and on the other those who chose to migrate to this country for economic betterment, in some cases actively encouraged by the British government or by British employers. In the case of refugees, the initial reaction of the majority community can be seen as welcoming, arising from a genuine desire to aid a group of people under threat, taking pride in the view of Britain as a traditional haven for those in need. Such sentiments seem however in practice often to have been superficial and short-lived since as soon as the refugees ceased to be perceived as a special case and as 'front page news' and attempted to move from their settlement camps into the wider community they were seen simply as 'just more immigrants' in competition with the majority population for jobs and housing. They thus often became increasingly subject to resentment and even open hostility in the form of racism. This was certainly true for the Vietnamese community (whose situation we discuss in Chapter Fourteen) where the initial wave of public goodwill towards the 'boat people' has now been dissipated to a point where reports of racial harassment and attacks on Vietnamese families have sadly become more frequent.

4.2 For those communities who were actively encouraged to come to this country the situation was to some extent comparable to that of refugees: they were initially welcomed, albeit grudgingly, as meeting an economic need and their presence was not resented as a threat to the indigenous work force since the jobs which they were recruited to take were those at the lower end of the employment market which could not be filled from within the majority community who, at a time of economic growth in the 1960s, had many other more attractive avenues of employment open to them. Little if any thought seems however to have been given to the wider social implications of meeting a short term need in this way and it seems to have been


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assumed that the ethnic minority workers would be content to remain in the jobs for which they had been recruited thus constituting an artificial economic sub-class at the traditional working class end of the employment spectrum. Such a view took no account of the pressures for upward social mobility and career advancement amongst the ethnic minority workers themselves nor did it foresee the situation of recent years where the British-born children of the original immigrants quite justifiably expect to find the whole range of career opportunities open to them and are certainly not content merely to 'follow in their father's footsteps'. In the face of such aspirations the majority community seem not only to resent moves by these ethnic minority groups to advance beyond their 'prescribed place' in this society but more recently, with rising unemployment, have come to resist and actively challenge their employment even in the areas of work for which they were originally recruited. It is almost as though having made use of workers who were prepared to work for lower wages and in worse conditions than indigenous workers at a time of apparent prosperity, the time has now come for them to 'go back where they came from' since their services are no longer needed and they are seen as competing for jobs against indigenous workers. The cycle of racism once again is thus brought to bear on ethnic minority groups who originally met with some acceptance here.

Expectations of this Country

4.3 As important, if not more so than the question of how ethnic minority groups were viewed when they came to this country is the variety of expectations which the group themselves had of their likely reception here. Whilst recognising the risks inherent in ascribing views, expectations and aspirations to ethnic minority groups as though they were homogeneous entities, it is possible to discern a variation in how different groups have perceived their position in this country, according to the circumstances of their arrival here. In the case of refugees, two particular factors have clearly been influential - firstly, the option of returning to their countries of origin has generally speaking been unavailable and so they have a particularly strong will to succeed here, and secondly, having found 'sanctuary' here, their will to succeed is tempered somewhat by a wish to conform to society as it is and not therefore to seek to bring about any changes. (Such attitudes are of course less likely to be held by the children of the original refugees who may feel more secure in living in this country as a right rather than as a matter of 'privilege'). On the other hand, those immigrants who came here for economic betterment and to enhance the prospects for their children, came on the understanding that they had every right to come to this country and, once they and their families were established here, they would not only be


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entitled to full equality of opportunity in terms of housing, jobs and education but would also be in a position to seek changes in existing systems and procedures where these took no account of their presence here. When ethnic minority groups actually encounter racism in our society it is clear therefore that, whilst those who have come here as refugees may simply accept this as the price to be paid for being allowed to remain in this country, many will not only be disillusioned and resentful of such a denial of their place here but likely in reaction to become alienated from a society which they see as rejecting them.

The Myth of an Alternative

4.4 With certain groups, perhaps particularly the European minorities such as the Italians (see Chapter Twelve) and the Hong Kong Chinese (see Chapter Ten), their close links with their countries of origin are evidenced by an established pattern of regular visits to see relatives and also a tradition of some children travelling 'home' for part of their education or subsequently to work. Such direct links inevitably serve to reinforce a sense of identity at the individual level and also to heighten the community's awareness of its roots and thus to enhance its sense of self esteem. Of even greater importance however is the point made to us repeatedly by representatives of these ethnic minority groups that retaining such close ties with their countries of origin cushions them in a sense against the harsher realities of life in this country especially the influence of racism, and provides them with an alternative view of themselves and their futures - for example British-born Italian and Chinese youngsters have explained to us that if they are unable to find employment in this country they feel they could always consider seeking their fortunes in their family's countries of origin. The fact that in reality 'return' might be prevented by the immigration rules of the countries of origin, that employment may be no easier to find there and that 'returning' to live in a country may be very different from simply visiting it on holiday, in no way seems to undermine what could be described as the 'myth of an alternative' which to a certain extent can offset or at least distance them from the direct influence of racism.

The Myth of Return

4.5 With some ethnic minority communities, especially some Asian groups, the sense of having an alternative to life in this country has tended to be taken further and constitutes what has been described as a 'myth of return' - many of the original immigrants believed that after a period of work in this country they would return to their countries of origin. Much of the evidence which we have received has suggested that this myth of return may also have helped to sustain these first immigrants in the face of some of the worst manifestations of overt racism. Since the original immigrants have now however become established here, have been joined by their


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families and their children have actually been born here, there seems to have been a weakening of this myth although it still seems to provide a fall back position when faced with extremes of racism.

The Myth of Belonging

4.6 Within the West Indian community ties with the home country seem to be less close than for other ethnic minority groups, despite an undoubted nostalgia for the West Indies amongst the original immigrants and a certain amount of actual return by older immigrants on their retirement. From the evidence we have received it seems that the major reason for this apparent difference in outlook is the extent to which the majority of West Indians originally came to this country believing that they were already British, since, unlike many other immigrants, they spoke English, they were Christian, and they had been brought up in an English style education system which through its curriculum, examinations and teaching methods had imbued them with the British culture and way of life. They therefore came assuming not only that they would be welcomed on equal terms as coming home to the 'mother country' but that their social integration within British society would be a matter of course. On arrival they found their initial 'welcome' at best grudging or even openly hostile and it is hardly surprising that they found the experience traumatic in the extreme. This 'myth of belonging' and the impact of seeing it in effect punctured by the experience of racism has been described graphically in the following terms by a West Indian mother (5):

'Many of us came here with a myth in our minds, the myth of belonging. We have also raised our children to believe that they belong in these societies and cultures (simply because they were born here) only to find that as they grew older, they were seen in the eyes of the host community as a new nation of intruders. Our children are then faced with great traumatic and psychological problems, since they are made to feel that they do not belong here, also they feel that because they were not born in the West Indies they do not belong there either ...'
The sense of despair and frustration thus engendered within the West Indian community over the years, heightened perhaps by the absence of the illusory safety valve of returning 'home', found with other communities, has we believe contributed to growing alienation within this particular group. The sense of rejection experienced by many of the original West Indian immigrants seems to have led some West Indian youngsters to expect that they will be faced with racism at every stage of their lives. Despite the evident grounds for such

(5) Extract from a letter published in 'The Caribbean Times', 8 April 1983.


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anxieties, we are concerned about the possible consequences of such an emphasis on the inevitability of racism, seeming in effect to deny the possibility of a West Indian youngster ever succeeding.

4.7 In contrast, it seems that many of the original immigrants from other ethnic minority communities, whilst not being prepared for the degree of antagonism they would face in this country, were not perhaps looking for the same degree of social integration as were West Indians. The major reasons for this difference in outlook can we believe be traced back to the fact that, as we have observed, many of the members of these groups did not necessarily see their long term futures in this country. These communities were also characterised by strong cultural and, more importantly religious traditions which necessitated a degree of separateness, and the existence of strong community ties both here and with the countries of origin, which, combined with a strong extended family system, tended to encourage a sense of self sufficiency and to discourage the development of contacts with the wider community. Members of these groups, unlike West Indians, were more likely to live and work within their own communities and they were therefore in a sense sheltered from the full effects of racism. As the economic situation in this country has worsened, however, the capacity of these communities to remain self contained in this way has been increasingly undermined - for example more Chinese youngsters are now having to enter the mainstream employment market as the traditional Chinese catering trade has come under pressure - and there are increasing numbers of British born youngsters who see themselves as part of the wider community and are not content to see their futures exclusively within the confines of their ethnic community. In recent years communities such as these have come more directly under pressure from racism and in many respects have found themselves subject to some of the worst manifestations of overt racism in the form of harassment and racial attacks. This situation is increasingly leading youngsters from the whole range of ethnic minority groups to share the West Indian community's sense of frustration and scepticism that any meaningful progress will ever be made in combating and overcoming racism in all its forms.

5. Racism in Practice

Research

5.1 Having considered the origins and roots of racism we now turn to racism in practice and in particular the bearing which it may have on the education of ethnic minority pupils. As the authors of the NFER reviews of research point out, comparatively little research has in fact been carried out on teachers' attitudes towards ethnic


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minority pupils or on the more controversial question of the extent to which a teacher's expectations of a pupil can directly affect that pupil's achievement or behaviour. They were nevertheless able to cite a number of studies, albeit some rather limited in scale, which have been undertaken on the existence of teacher stereotypes, in both Britain and the United States, going back as far as Rosenthal and Jacobson's famous study in 1968 'Pygmalion in the Classroom'. The other main research studies identified by the NFER can be summarised as follows:

- Townsend and Brittan's survey (1972) (6) reported that a majority of the secondary heads involved commented favourably on the manners, courtesy, keenness to learn and industrious application of the Indian and Pakistani pupils.

- Brittan's study (1976) (7) revealed a high degree of consensus of opinion concerning the academic and social behaviour of pupils of West Indian origin, with more than two-thirds of the teachers in the sample indicating unfavourable opinions of West Indians.

- Stewart's study (1978) (8) showed the teachers interviewed as having a positive stereotype of the Asian pupil as industrious, responsible, keen to learn and having none of the behaviour problems associated with West Indian pupils.

- Tomlinson's study (1979) (9) showed that the heads interviewed were more likely to respond at length about West Indian pupils and to have generalised views about them than in the case of Asian pupils. The heads expressed strong feelings that the learning process was slower for West Indian pupils, that they lacked long term concentration and that they would tend to underachieve and be remedial.

The broad consensus of the findings of the studies reviewed by the NFER was that some teachers did have clear stereotypes of the West Indian pupil and the Asian pupil, that these stereotypes were quite different - that of the former being generally negative and that of the latter generally positive - and that the stereotypes of West Indian pupils tended to be more uniform, more firmly established and more strongly held.

(6) 'Organisation in Multiracial Schools' HER Townsend and EM Brittan. NFER. 1972.

(7) 'Multiracial Education - Teacher Opinion on Aspects of School Life', E M Brittan. Educ Research 18.3. 1976.

(8) 'The role of ethnicity in teachers' accounts of their interaction with pupils in multicultural classrooms,' OF Stewart. Unpublished MSc. University of Aston. 1978.

(9) 'Decision making in Special Education ESN(M) with some reference to children of immigrant parentage.' S Tomlinson. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Warwick. 1979.


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5.2 The paucity of research data in this field seems to result not from any lack of interest on the part of the research community although race-related issues have often in the past been regarded as the preserve of sociological rather than educational researchers but rather from the daunting problems of attempting to investigate whether teachers' attitudes towards ethnic minority pupils may, however unintentionally, be influenced by racism. Also, as the authors of the second NFER review of research have explained:

'Apart from the difficulties of obtaining permission to carry out research into prejudice it is quite likely that an awareness on the part of those being researched of the nature of the research will distort findings. There is, moreover, the question of criteria of judgement of prejudice, especially when this is not tested by some supposedly calibrated measuring instrument, but depends, as much anecdotal evidence of racism must do, on the perceptions of the observer.'
5.3 Studies on the extent to which such stereotyped attitudes affect school achievement, however, have often been inconclusive and sometimes conflicting see (Chapter 3). The NFER authors do however highlight a study by Dr Peter Green of the University of Durham (10) as in their opinion the first real attempt to look in detail at the influence of teachers' attitudes towards pupils from different ethnic minority groups and as having:
'... redressed the balance of previous research by shifting the focus from the child who has been seen at the centre of the 'problem' of his 'underachievement' and the consequent emphasis placed on his inter-ethnic attitudes, with the corresponding lack of stress on studies of teachers, ethnocentricism, because of professional sensitivity, to a proper consideration of the relationships which obtain between teachers and pupils.'
Dr Green's research investigated the general style of teaching employed by different teachers in relation to pupils of European, Asian and West Indian origin, focusing in particular on the influence which the personal characteristics of the teachers, most notably their level of 'ethnocentrism', appeared to have on their interaction with pupils from the different groups. Dr Green defines 'ethnocentrism' as:

(10) 'Teachers' influence on the self concept of pupils of different ethnic origins'. PA Green. Unpublished PhD thesis. 1983.


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'... the tendency to consider the characteristics and attributes of ethnic groups other than one's own to be inferior.'
This definition is of course very close to the view which we ourselves have taken of racism and the measures used by Dr Green to determine the degree of ethnocentrism of the teachers relate very much to issues which would commonly be accepted as 'racial'. Dr Green's major reason for using the term ethnocentrism appears to be his wish to avoid the emotive and negative connotations of the term racism rather than any clear distinction which he has drawn between the two types of attitude. We believe however that in the context of Dr Green's work the term ethnocentrism can in fact be seen as synonymous with racism. Quite apart from the interesting points which Dr Green's findings raise in relation to the extent to which some teachers may be unaware of the way in which they teach, and about the different approaches which different teachers may use in similar contexts, of greatest significance to us is his central conclusion that:
'children of different ethnic origins, taught in the same multi-ethnic class by the same teacher, are likely to receive widely different educational experiences.'
Moreover there seems to be a strong indication that whereas Asian pupils may be more likely to receive praise and encouragement from teachers, West Indian pupils, particularly boys, appeared to receive a fair amount of individual attention - but mainly in the form of criticism! Whilst care must clearly be exercised in seeking to base firm conclusions on the findings of a single study, itself somewhat limited in scale and scope, we believe that Dr Green's study offers an interesting and valuable insight into the influences of teachers' attitudes towards ethnic minority pupils. We therefore attach as Annex B to this chapter a summary prepared by Dr Green of his work since we believe that further such studies would be both valuable and worthwhile.

5.4 In our interim report we explained that we believed there to be two rather different forms which racism could take in our society on the one hand, overt and intentional racism, and on the other, covert and unintentional racism. We stressed that in the educational context it was the latter - unintentional racism - which caused us the greatest concern. From the further work we have done since the preparation of our interim report we find ourselves all the more convinced of the major role which the particular expectations and attitudes which many teachers have, not only of West Indian pupils but indeed of pupils from the whole range of ethnic minority groups,


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can and do play in the educational experience and perhaps the academic achievement of these pupils. We believe that if teachers allow themselves to be influenced by, and even to perpetuate, stereotypes of different ethnic minority groups, their ability to educate an individual pupil from such a group according to his or her actual 'age, aptitude and ability' may, however unwittingly, be undermined and it can become all too easy to ascribe the pupil's behaviour or performance to the assumed stereotype rather than to exercise professional judgement. As we have already indicated, research findings and our own evidence have indicated that the stereotypes teachers tend to have of West Indian children are often related directly to a particular, and generally negative, expectation of academic performance. By contrast, although there seems to be a more generally positive educational stereotype of Asian pupils, they may be subject to racism in more direct and overt ways. The fear or indeed the actual experience of racial harassment and attack may also have an indirect bearing on the motivation and achievement of an Asian pupil. Racism, both intentional and unintentional, can we believe also influence negatively the educational experience of pupils from other ethnic minority groups as we discuss later in this report. A Chinese pupil for example, who is sitting at the back of the class, not taking an active part in the lesson, may be seen simply as conforming to the stereotype of his group - as 'reserved and well behaved' - rather than this behaviour being interpreted, as it would be with an indigenous pupil, as showing that he or she might be in difficulties with the work and therefore need some extra attention and encouragement.

'Colour Blindness'

5.5 As we explained in the section on racism in our interim report:

'... many of the teachers to whom we spoke on our visits were at pains to assert that they deliberately made no distinction between 'black' pupils and others: they were 'colour-blind'. In this way, they claimed to fulfil the first duty of a teacher which they saw as regarding all pupils equally, as having particular strengths and weaknesses, and individual educational needs.'
In our evidence gathering for this report we have again found this to be a very widespread attitude amongst teachers and it is clear that there is a substantial body of opinion within the teaching profession which firmly believes that to recognise differences between people of various ethnic origins is divisive and can in fact constitute a major obstacle to creating a harmonious multi-racial society. We ourselves regard 'colour-blindness' however as potentially just as negative as


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a straightforward rejection of people with a different skin colour since both types of attitude seek to deny the validity of an important aspect of a person's identity. This concern was shared by many of those who gave evidence to us, amongst them the head of a multi-racial school who reflected thus:

'It is interesting to record that the reaction of teachers ... was to aver that all pupils in the school were treated alike and to deny that any distinction is made between their cultural differences. Sadly, this initial reaction, if perpetuated, could deny the school the opportunity of developing potentially rich cultural resources. In such an event there would be a real danger that, through a determination not to discriminate ("discriminate" in the sense of recognising differences), the school would in time become culturally impoverished.'
We feel that the fundamental issues which lie at the heart of the phenomenon of 'colour-blindness' are encapsulated in the following observation by the Dean of Liverpool, quoted in evidence to us:
'God is colour-blind', I once saw on a wayside pulpit in Liverpool. But as is the habit of such religious graffiti, it was wrong. The God who made the rainbow and who made the whole kaleidoscope of creation, culminating in men and women of such rich variety - it is not He who is colour-blind but we who find life easier to cope with if we treat it as monochrome.'
A 'White British' Problem?

5.6 In recent years there has been a growing tendency to suggest that racism is in some way unique to the 'white' majority and to this country. On the latter point, we believe that racism cannot be seen as a uniquely British phenomenon in view of the inter-racial prejudices which clearly exist in other countries, for example in America (against Blacks), in France (against North Africans) and in West Germany (against Turkish Guest Workers). We also believe that to describe racism simply as a 'white' problem is similarly misconceived. Feelings of negative prejudice against ethnic groups other than one's own can be found both within and between minority communities as well as between minority and majority groups, although this in no way of course excuses or justifies the attitudes of some members of the majority community in this country towards ethnic minorities. In the course of our own work we have come across a number of instances of racist attitudes between ethnic minority groups, for example the attitudes of Chinese and Vietnamese pupils towards 'black' children, the animosity of certain Asian groups towards other ethnic minority communities, conflicts between


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African and West Indian pupils and instances of West Indian youngsters becoming involved alongside their white school fellows in actual racial attacks on Asians. It has been suggested to use that such prejudices as exist within and between ethnic minority groups are not truly comparable with prejudices between the majority and minority communities since even if members of a particular ethnic minority group are prejudiced against another group they are extremely unlikely to be in a position to put their prejudice into practice in such a way as to have a detrimental effect on members of the other group. Since, on straightforward numerical grounds alone, it is only the 'white' majority which has the power to give expression to its prejudices by using its inherent dominance of all walks of life to deny opportunity and access to other minority communities, 'white racism' is considered to be the only area to be tackled. We firmly believe however that all forms of prejudice against groups of people on racial grounds are wrong - as Lord Scarman put it in his report:

'Pride in being Black is one thing, but black racialism is no more acceptable than white. A vigorous rejection of discriminatory and racialist views is as important among black people as among white if social harmony is to be ensured.'
Institutional Racism

5.7 Reference to the role of power in racism leads us directly on to a dimension of the influence of racism within our society - what has generally come to be referred to as 'institutional' racism. As with so many other terms within our field of interest, we believe that this term is used by different people to cover a range of circumstances and, being thus ill-defined, discussion of the extent of its influence and indeed even its existence is often both confused and confusing. We see institutional racism as describing the way in which a range of long established systems, practices and procedures, both within education and the wider society, which were originally conceived and devised to meet the needs and aspirations of a relatively homogeneous society, can now be seen not only to fail to take account of the multi-racial nature of Britain today but may also ignore or even actively work against the interests of ethnic minority communities. The kind of practices about which we are concerned include many which, whilst clearly originally well-intentioned and in no way racist in intent, can now be seen as racist in effect, in depriving members of ethnic minority groups of equality of access to the full range of opportunities which the majority community can take for granted or denying their right to have a say in the future of the society of which they are an integral part. These include, for example, the provision of separate language centres for children whose first


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language is not English (see Chapter Seven), and the arrangements for the appointment of members to governing bodies of schools and other institutions which take no account of the changed and changing nature of the local population. Institutional racism can thus we believe be seen as visibly demonstrating the extent to which our society has continued to define itself according to criteria prescribed to meet the needs of a homogeneous whole, and which inevitably does not recognise and therefore cannot take account of the far more complex network of aims and aspirations present in Britain today.

5.8 We believe that institutional racism is just as much a cause for concern as the prejudiced attitudes which some individuals may hold since the establishment, in this way, of racism within the 'system' itself can serve to reinforce, to magnify and to perpetuate such attitudes even where individual attitudes may be open to change. It is, for example, harder to convince individuals of the damaging effects which their actions may have on particular groups of children if they can argue that they are simply 'following the normal procedure' and therefore cannot in any way be said to be prejudiced against a particular group. A complex inter-relationship thus exists between individual attitudes and the influence of institutionalised practices and procedures. It is undeniably true that both long established practices and procedures which are seen as following the traditional 'way things are done here', and the conventional policy making processes and power structures of institutions can all too often override individual attitudes, which may be submerged in simply 'running the system'. Similarly however it must be recognised that institutionalised forms are themselves in no small measure sustained by attitudes. The extent to which changing the attitudes of individuals can directly influence the way in which established procedures, systems and institutions function is thus difficult to assess and some people have argued that change can only be brought about through legislation or the revision of traditional 'rules and regulations' which in turn requires individuals to appraise and where necessary revise their behaviour accordingly. Whilst a realisation amongst the staff of an institution that the policies which they are following may work against some members of our society may lead them to question and even actively challenge and seek to change the rules which govern their institution, in order to effect change in a more rapid and direct way it may nevertheless be necessary to prescribe institutional change from the 'top' downwards in order to complement and foster any such shift in grass roots opinion. We believe that institutional change of this kind and changing individual attitudes are of equal importance and have complementary roles to play in achieving the overall shift in emphasis and outlook which we believe to be essential in relation to today's multi-racial society.


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5.9 Within the education system, power is of course exercised at many different levels from the Secretary of State to the major national academic institutions and the individual teacher or parent. It is important to recognise therefore that, in overcoming institutional racism, different approaches and emphases may be more appropriate than others for different types of educational institution. For example in a primary school, with fewer staff and and more informal ethos and flexible style of work, the emphasis might best be on encouraging individual teachers to review their own attitudes and practices and thus to effect any necessary changes themselves. In a large secondary school, however, with its compartmentalised curricular organisation and its clearly defined tiers of responsibility, in a local education authority with its complex bureaucracy or a university with its long established traditions, a more determined effort may need to be made to revise and restructure the actual systems in order for there to be any hope of the policies pursued offering true equality of opportunity.

Climate of Racism

5.10 In considering the influence which racism whether intentional or unintentional can have on the education process we feel that it is essential to recognise the very direct and acute bearing which the general 'climate' of racism in this country has on what takes place in the school classroom. By this we mean the way in which the confidence of ethnic minority groups to see themselves as an integral part of our society and thus as having equal claim to shaping their own futures within it, has been undermined and to some extent lost entirely. The extent of racial disadvantage in this country has of course been well documented in a number of studies of recent years - for example the Policy Studies Institute's seminal studies on Racial Disadvantage (11) surveyed the position of ethnic minority groups in fields such as housing, social services and employment. The continuing influence of racism in the employment field has also been documented in the report Half a chance (12) and the influence of racism in relation to housing in a multi-racial area in a report (13) published last year - both by the Commission for Racial Equality. There are two other aspects of the pressures to which ethnic minority communities find themselves subject, which have been raised repeatedly with us by parents and young people, particularly from the Asian community, and which have undoubtedly contributed greatly to the overall climate of racism: the fear of radical harassment and attack, and the uncertainty created by the policies of successive

(11) 'Racial Discrimination in England,' WW Daniel. Penguin 1968; 'Racial Disadvantage in Britain.' David J Smith. Penguin 1977; 'Black and White Britain,' Colin Brown. PSI 1984.

(12) 'A report on job discrimination against young blacks in Nottingham.' CRE November 1980.

(13) 'Race and Council Housing in Hackney - Report of a Formal Investigation into the allocation of housing in the London Borough of Hackney.' CRE January 1984.


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governments on immigration and nationality. On the latter issue we believe that it is deplorable that children who have been born in this country or whose families have chosen to make their homes here should be made to feel that they are not accepted in their own right and have no role to play in the future of this country.

Immigration and Nationality

Those ethnic minority groups who have more recently settled here, now, through no fault of their own, find their position questioned and indeed in their eyes under threat and their very peace of mind disrupted by the prevailing climate of uncertainty. (We review the development of government policies in relation to immigration and nationality in Chapter Four, see paragraphs 3.3.18 to 3.3.21.)

Racial Attacks

5.11 A considerable amount of attention has been devoted over recent years to the issue of racial attacks culminating in the publication, in 1981, of a report by a Home Office Study Group investigating this situation. (14) The Group offered the following vivid portrait of the situation which they found:

'The views expressed by ethnic minority representatives about racial attacks reflected a general feeling of fear and apprehension for the future. In all the places we visited, we were given accounts of racial violence, abuse and harassment ... Assaults, jostling in the streets, abusive remarks, broken windows, slogans daubed on walls - these were among the less serious kinds of racial harassment which many members of the ethnic minorities (particularly Asians) experience, sometimes on repeated occasions. The fact that they are interleaved with far more serious racially-motivated offences (murders, serious assaults, systematic attacks by gangs on people's homes at night) increases the feeling of fear experienced by the ethnic minorities. It was clear to us that the Asian community widely believes that is is the object of a campaign of unremitting racial harassment which it fears will grow worse in the future. In many places we were told that Asian families were too frightened to leave their homes at night or to visit the main shopping centre in town at weekends when gangs of young skinheads regularly congregate. Even in places where comparatively few racial incidents have occurred, the awareness of what is happening in other parts of the country induces a widespread apprehension that the climate locally is likely to deteriorate and that more serious incidents are likely in the future. In some places there was a sense of uncomplaining acceptance among some Asians to manifestations of racial violence: the problem was thought to be so widespread that they regarded it as little more than an unwelcome feature of contemporary British life.'
(14) 'Racial attacks' - Report of a Home Office Study. November 1981.


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The Study Group drew three main conclusions from their investigations:

'(there was) a significantly high number of racially motivated attacks on persons and property by one ethnic group on another ... compared with white people, both blacks and Asians suffer disproportionately from racially motivated attacks, and the Asians worst of all ... the absolute number of racial attacks appears to have increased.'
Thus, in the Study Group's own words, racial attacks must be recognised as:
'... a matter of fact not of opinion.'
We believe that the fear of racial attack has a very profound effect on the ethnic minority communities who find themselves subject to this particularly vicious form of overt and intentional racism and its influence has been brought home to us on numerous occasions in our discussions with Asian parents and particularly mothers, when matter such as their apparent unwillingness to become involved in the work of the school, by for example responding to invitations to visit a school to discuss a child's work or to participate in after-school, activities, are raised.

5.12 The Home Office Study Group also raised an issue to which we have already referred (see paragraph 3.6 and Annex A to this Chapter) - the role of the media - as follows:

'The Study Group were also persuaded that the media - newspapers and broadcasting - played a powerful role in shaping people's perceptions of the problem. This is particularly true of reports in many local newspapers which appear to sensationalise apparently racial incidents. But it is also true nationally since, as close-knit communities, ethnic minorities are very conscious of what happens elsewhere in the country. Attacks on Asians in one place can cause great concern in Asian communities elsewhere; similarly the response of the police in one area can directly affect the ethnic minority view of the local police several hundred miles away. A single television interview with a prominent public figure who puts forward a view which appears hostile to the ethnic minority communities can, in its impact, be out of proportion to its significance, and can unreasonably create the impression that that view is held by the authorities generally.'

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Relationship with the Police

Whilst it refers primarily to the situation of the Asian community, the above quotation draws attention to the relationship between the police and ethnic minority communities generally. This is an issue which has and continues to be an area of public concern and debate in relation particularly to the West Indian community, and was of course central to the Scarman report. Here again the essential element seems to us to be not so much the actual facts of the situation, although there is considerable evidence in some cases to justify communities' concerns, but equally the wide gulf in trust and understanding which exists between ethnic minority communities and 'establishment figures' which is itself symptomatic of the overall climate of racism which we believe exists.

Inter-racial Tension

5.13 We believe that this climate of racism can impinge on an individual school in a range of different ways. The impact of racism on ethnic minority pupils may be particularly strong when they are present in relatively small numbers in schools and are thus less able to be mutually supportive in the face of racial abuse. This point was brought out in the following terms in evidence we received from a Community Relations Council:

'Direct Racism is tragically too common in this area. Rarely a week passes without at least one case being reported to this Council ... it is no exaggeration to state that for some young Asian people particularly, being racially harassed is a way of life. This ranges from direct violence upon the person to verbal abuse and threats. They are daily confronted with racist graffiti in and out of school premises, which remain for months and, in some cases, years. The situation for those pupils in schools with 1-5 per cent black students is unenviable. Their isolation makes them particularly vulnerable ... The unwillingness of schools to tackle the issues, the graffiti remaining unchallenged, the insistence of some teaching staff on regarding the attacks as 'part of the rough and tumble of youngsters round here' and that 'boys will be boys' all encourage a climate where racism is acceptable.'
Impact on Schools

This broader and immediate impact of racism on schools is illustrated by the following extract from a report prepared by the head of a multi-racial school we visited where the influence of 'National Front style extremists' was particularly pronounced:

'We have over the past 7/8 months had an increase in tension 'from the outside.' Examples of this are:

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a. invasion of a summer leavers' disco by outsiders, some ex-pupils. It was not quite clear how far this had racial overtones. It led to 'gate' trouble after school on several days thereafter.

b. intruders (youths, some ex-pupils) coming on to the premises during the school day. Again it is not clear how far there are racial overtones.

c. at least 3 instances of unprovoked attacks by 'outsiders' on coloured pupils who were members of official school visits to places in the Borough.

d. one serious attack by 'outsiders' on coloured pupils playing table tennis in a school hall just after school.

e. many instances of 'outsiders' congregating at the gate at about the end of afternoon school with definite anti-coloured actions, some physical. On at least one occasion this involved youths armed with sticks.

f. several attacks on coloured youngsters outside the school after normal school hours.'

Influence on Ethnic Minority Pupils

5.14 A disturbing picture of the way in which a school may appear to be entirely oblivious to the impact of racism on the day to day experiences of an ethnic minority pupil is portrayed in the following extract from an essay written for us by an Asian fifth former:

'... I attended a middle school where approximately 90 per cent of the pupils were white. The results of this situation were terrifying. The group of black children were bussed to the school and then isolated from their neighbourhood. At home they were again isolated from any school contacts. During the four years I spent in that school, not one person attended any after-school activities for fear of walking through the neighbourhood where about ninety-two per cent of the population were white. It would be literally true to say that there was a physical barrier between our homes and our school and the only way in or out was on the coach. At school the situation was the same. The Asians were constantly in fear of being attacked by the several gangs of white boys. As we ran towards the staff room a teacher would come out and disperse the white gang, throw us back into the playground and then walk back in as if nothing had happened. The teachers had no idea of what we were experiencing.'

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The Role of the School

If in the face of such forms of racism, or indeed in the face of ignorance and inaccurate statements about ethnic minorities, the school seeks simply to remain neutral and uninvolved we would see this as not only a failure in terms of its educational responsibilities but also as in effect condoning and thereby encouraging the persistence of such occurrences. Certainly it is difficult for ethnic minority communities to have full confidence and trust in an institution which they see as simply ignoring or dismissing what is in fact an ever present and all pervasive shadow over their everyday lives.

Racist Name-Calling

5.15 One particular manifestation of racism within schools on which we have received a considerable amount of evidence is racist name-calling. Some teachers have argued that this is no different from the normal name-calling in which even young children may indulge and which is entirely harmless both in intent and long-term effect. On the other hand many ethnic minority representatives, including some older ethnic minority pupils, have stressed to us the very damaging effects which they believe being subject to racist abuse can have on the self-image and motivation of an ethnic minority pupil - as one Asian mother put it to us:

'These remarks can be very traumatic and hurtful to young children who often come home very upset by this. One tries to forget it and hope it will die down, but all too often the same thing recurs. School authorities try to play it down so as to keep the school atmosphere calm. However, this does not resolve the hurt that registers very forcefully in a young child's mind'.
We believe the essential difference between racist name-calling and other forms of name-calling is that whereas the latter may be related only to the individual characteristics of a child, the former is a reference not only to the child but also by extension to their family and indeed more broadly their ethnic community as a whole. Racist name-calling, and its frequent companion racist graffiti, can thus convey to a child the accepted value judgement which the majority community has passed on his or her group and, as we have explained earlier in this chapter, where this value judgement is internalised by an individual and in time by a community this can only serve to strengthen and perpetuate the overall climate of racism in which they find themselves.


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'All-White' Schools

5.16 Whilst most people would accept that there may be a degree of inter-racial tension between groups in schools with substantial ethnic minority populations, it might generally be felt that racist attitudes and behaviour would be less common in schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils. As we go on to discuss later in this report we believe this is regrettably far from the case - see for example the findings of the study carried out in 'all-white' schools - detailed in Chapter Five - which illustrates very clearly the points which we have made in this chapter about the pervasive influence of racism which, through ignorance and ill-informed stereotyping and the negative influence of the media, has a quite definite effect on the attitudes of youngsters in these areas. Even though the opportunities for these attitudes being put into practice may be limited, as we have already pointed out the very existence of such attitudes, with, in most cases, little real attempt being made by schools either to challenge or counteract them, can of itself contribute to the overall climate of racism.

6. Conclusion

6.1 We believe that racism is an insidious evil which, for the sake of the future unity and stability of our society, must be countered. A clear distinction can be drawn between what can be seen as 'individual' racism and the broader and more pervasive 'climate' of racism and within that the way institutions and established practices and procedures may serve to reinforce, perpetuate and extend this. Racism, in all these forms, however needs to be tackled, we believe, in the interests of our community as a whole, since it damages not only the groups seen and treated as in some way inferior or manipulable, but also the more powerful groups in that it feeds them with a totally false sense of superiority and thus distorts their understanding of themselves and the world around them. All members of a racist society suffer from feelings of fear and insecurity and, as we have seen, it takes little to fan the flames of suspicion and mistrust into open hatred and violence.

6.2 We believe that for schools to allow racist attitudes to persist unchecked in fact constitutes a fundamental mis-education for their pupils. All youngsters need to be provided with the necessary knowledge and the ability for reasoned and rational thought and judgement. Whilst schools may not therefore be able to lead change directly they should be capable of leading to change by creating an overall unity of purpose which will encompass the concept that to be British you do not have to have a white skin nor to have family origins only in this country.


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6.3 We are convinced that the policies we put forward in this report will, if put into practice, mark a major change in the way in which ethnic minorities are perceived and perceive themselves in relation to the education system. Much of what we recommend will require a fundamental shift in attitude and, as we acknowledged in our interim report, which also focused on the need for attitude change, this will involve expenditure in 'psychological' terms over and above the direct financial outlay needed. Quite apart from any specific recommendations which we offer, we sincerely hope that a full and careful reading of this report as a whole will contribute to a greater understanding of the issues involved in considering an education appropriate to today's multi-racial society and which will help to lay the foundations for a genuinely pluralist society in the future.



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ANNEX A

The Role of the Media

A background paper by Dr GK Verma

The use of the broad term 'the media' in this paper applies to both the press and broadcasting.

The question is often asked as to the extent to which the media foster, reinforce or counteract attitudes in the field of race relations. This is a complex question to which the literature offers no conclusive answers. At one level it can be shown, for example, that the views of most American adults about Russia are derived from newspapers, radio and television (Mackinnon and Centers, 1958). But from which sources are the views of the mass media derived? From government sources or from the people themselves? The process of cause and effect is extremely difficult to unravel.

Some studies in America have shown that the mass media may influence racialist attitudes (or reinforce and thus strengthen existing attitudes) on relatively non-controversial issues (Colfax and Steinberg, 1972; Johnson et al 1971). It is probably fair to say that the less controversial the issue, and the more there is some consensus in society in that issue, the more likely if is that the mass media will support, and reinforce such racial attitudes. Again, cause and effect are interwoven.

Rose and his associates (1969), reviewing race relations in Britain, commented that:

'The role of the press and of the broadcasting authorities ... can be crucial. In the last five years immigration and race relations have rivalled almost any other subject except natural disasters for prominence in newspapers and on television. They have an irresistible appeal for news and features editors and for those who produce discussion programmes. They bulk largely in the cockpit of the correspondence columns, especially in local newspapers. Whenever a politician speaks on the subject he knows that he will almost certainly be reported; some do not even trouble to speak: they pick up the telephone and dictate a statement to the Press Association'.
It should be mentioned that Rose and his colleagues produced no evidence to support the statement. They were making a general statement about the crucial nature of the press in the field of race relations.

A number of writers have stressed that the press has no desire or impetus to engage in campaigning on issues which do not reflect the interests of, or the wishes of, their readers. Newspapers are entrepreneurial institutions which depend for their survival on the goodwill of their readers and advertisers. Writing about American communities Breed (1964) suggests that the press maintains socio-cultural consensus and therefore protects the existing power and class structure. Other studies support this view (Olien et aI, 1968). Similarly, opinions prevail that television is biased in favour of the existing power structure of society.

There is also evidence that the press can foster and support alarmist views about ethnic minorities. In such situations the press is again probably merely reflecting the views of dominant power groups. Examples of this kind of effect were given to the International Seminar on the Press in Davao City, Philippines, in April 1969. A number of papers were presented which indicated that partial, emotive or inaccurate reports had helped to make existing racial tensions worse. Evidence was given on American riots, on Malay-Chinese riots in Kuala Lumpur, on Sinhalese-Tamil riots in Ceylon and on Hindu-Moslem conflicts in India. (A minor skirmish took place outside a Hindu temple in Ahmedabad. The next day Indian language newspapers carried headlines with emotive content such as 'Fanatics attack Jagannath temple'. Other newspapers also inflated the incident.)


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A detailed content analysis of press and television reporting of a British demonstration against the Vietnam war has been made by Halloran and his colleagues (1970). A large but overwhelmingly peaceful demonstration in London in October 1968 was treated by the press in terms of a basic issue - that of violence and threat to public order. This treatment served to distort news, since all events were analysed and reported to the extent which they fitted the media's conceptual framework of this issue.

A study by Hartmann and Husband (1970) argues that the British mass media, including television, handle race relations material in a way that both perpetuates negative perceptions of blacks and also defines the race relations situation as one of inter-group conflict. A test of a hypothesis about the possible effect of the media on the attitudes of 208 teenagers was made by comparing attitudes of youngsters with varying degrees of contact with New Commonwealth immigrants. Significantly more youngsters in low contact areas cited media sources for their information about black people than those in high contact areas, where information was more likely to be based on personal contact. Moreover, teenagers who cited conflict themes (when questioned about their knowledge of black people in Britain) were significantly more likely to cite the media as a source of information. Conflict themes were much more often mentioned by young people in low contact areas. There is an obvious inference from these findings that teenagers who rely on the mass media for their information about New Commonwealth people have to some extent internalised the image of New Commonwealth people presented to them by these media.

A detailed content analysis of the treatment of race over the period 1963 to 1970 in four British national newspapers - The Times, The Guardian, Daily Express and Daily Mirror - was undertaken by Hartmann and Husband (1974). The researchers found that the four papers proved to be similar in the kind of subject matter they carried. The kinds of news concerning race relations which these four papers thought was worth printing, and the amount of space they gave to different kinds of material turned out to be very similar indeed. The amount of race related material appearing in the press increased over the period of analysis. According to the researchers, this was due entirely to an increase in material about the British situation, for which there was nearly twice as much in the second half of the period as in the first. This indicates that with the increased number of Blacks press attention to race relations increased. It is difficult to explain the increasing attention in terms of 'more black people make more black news'. It is interesting to point out that issues of black people's housing, education and employment did not receive increased attention by the press. Rather the emphasis was on salient questions such as immigration, inter-group hostility, the relationships between white and black, the views of Enoch Powell and so on. The researchers analysed the material and found that 39 per cent was signalled as race related by words such as race, colour, immigrant, Negroes in the headlines; 10 per cent of headings contained words like murder, kill, shoot or burn; 12 per cent included words like hate, crisis, row, clash and threat, showing conflict and disagreement; 6 per cent of headlines contained restrictive words like stop, curb, out, ban and bar.

Rex (1970 and 1972) argues that the mass media, including the press, reinforce existing cultural stereotypes about ethnic minorities. Thus 'stories' which represent blacks and Asians as stupid or unclean are seized upon and exaggerated, while events which represent minorities in ways contrary to popular stereotypes are played down. The same process has operated in the treatment by American mass media of minorities (Ehrlich, 1973).

Influence of the press on attitudes

The literature shows that there may be three complementary models which can account for the connections between mass media and racial attitudes and actions, First, the primary influence of the press is to act as a support for opinions which already exist in the general population probably in a semi-articulated way. The press operates to articulate, legitimise and support the opinions held by the large majority of their readers. Second, the press conforms to its own stereotype of how news in the particular field should be handled (a number of studies provide evidence for this view - e.g. Halloran et al, Hartmann and Husband). This conception may distort news of events and is likely to be a negative one.


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The third model is one in which the press plays a role in supporting or initiating social movement. ' The massive anxiety in the host community over the entry of British Asians is an example.

In our empirical studies we were concerned with aspects of the first model. The hypotheses derived from this model are:

a. The press can most easily influence attitudes in race relations by influencing attitudes in the direction in which they are already well advanced. For example, if the majority of the population hold racially prejudiced attitudes, the press can be successful in making people more prejudiced, but it is unlikely to be able to make people less prejudiced.

b. Press attitudes to specific issues reflect the underlying attitudes of the public; press attitudes serve to reinforce and strengthen public attitudes in this sphere, and increase their intensity.

It is not possible to employ any direct test of these hypotheses. However, we have tried to provide answers to a number of questions which bear on these hypotheses. (See Bagley and Verma, 1979, for a more detailed discussion.)

Racial attitudes and the press

It is true, of course, that attitudes and ways of communicating are affected to a great extent by what is seen, heard, read and assimilated from the individual's environment. Young children in particular are more susceptible to these outside factors. Unfortunately, the impression of non-western cultures portrayed by the media is often unfavourable. Our experience based on interviews with children suggests that the negative description by the media of ethnic minorities contributes to the low self-esteem of the minority-culture child. Such children and their parents may also obtain a view of British life as a permissive society, In such circumstances children overestimate the degree of 'freedom' enjoyed by their contemporaries, and this stiffens the resolve of their parents to adhere to their standards and expectations. Thus, inter-generational conflict is heightened.

Data from a random sample survey of 2,490 individuals living in five English boroughs with an average proportion of black people (Lambeth, Ealing, Wolverhampton, Nottingham, Bradford) have been analysed to indicate the prevalence of prejudiced attitudes, the kinds of sources which those sampled use for information on race relations and the extent to which prejudiced people say that they obtain information about race relations from the press. The results showed that nearly half of the population sampled manifested a marked degree of prejudice, and only 14 per cent of the population sampled did not manifest prejudiced attitudes (Bagley, 1970).

The researcher posed the following questions: to what extent do the members of the population sampled use the press as a source of information about black people; to what extent are individuals using various sources of information prejudiced, and to what extent are various institutions, including mass media, seen as favourable to black people?

Analysis of the data showed that the large majority of respondents obtained their information from more than one source. The most frequently cited source of information was 'personal contact' with black people (54 per cent). 34 per cent of the respondents said that they used the press as a source of such information. The tabulation of the percentage of those prejudiced against sources of information suggested that significantly fewer of those who got information about black people from personal contact or from the radio were prejudiced than the remainder of the individuals in the sample. The number of respondents who obtained their information from the press alone was small (n=127). 70 of these individuals (55 per cent) had prejudiced scores above the median level.

The conclusions drawn by the researcher are that a third of the population in the areas surveyed obtained information about New Commonwealth people from the press; 46 per cent of those individuals were prejudiced. This percentage is close to the prejudice in the population as a whole. However, individuals who rely on the press alone as a source of information are significantly more prejudiced than the rest of the population. This does not, of course, logically imply


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any causal link between readership of the press and prejudice. Both the local and the national press are seen as holding favourable attitudes to black people by a little under 40 per cent of respondents. Some 14 per cent see the local and national press as being hostile to black people.

Bagley (1973) conducted an analysis of the content of all reports in the provincial press in Britain published in the first four months of 1968. It was in the middle of this period that Powell's first major speech on race was made, and he attempted to assess the impact of this on newspapers' attitudes in race relations by comparing three periods - before the Powell speech, immediately after the Powell speech and some months after the speech.

By utilising rigorous methods of analysis the researcher classified 2,235 reports on race relations which appeared in some 200 British provincial newspapers in January, February, March and April 1968. The selection of material was made by the staff of a press cuttings agency.

The main issues in race relations which occupied the press during the four months were; in January, the problems of illegal entry; in February, the entry of East African Asians, and the government bill to restrict their entry; the announcement of the forthcoming Race Relations Act; Wolverhampton's ban on turbaned Sikhs on their corporation buses; the black power movement, and Powell's first major speech on immigration. In March the press were concerned mainly with the passage of the Race Relations Act, and the establishment of community relations officers, while in April the main issues were the debate on the Race Relations Bill, and Powell's second major speech on 20 April 1968.

The classification of the press cuttings indicated that the most hostile area was crime, and the next most hostile area was those reports which concerned Powell's speeches. The areas where the press reports were least hostile were concerned with the personal activities of immigrants, employment, housing and education.

Letters to the editor were markedly more hostile than either editorials or articles written by regular contributors. The majority of the letters (64 per cent) were either critical of, or hostile to, blacks and Asians. Letters on the general area of race relations were definitely more favourable than letters on the Kenyan Asian issue.

A classification of individual newspapers indicated that the most unfavourable or hostile newspapers (to black immigrants) were the Preston Lancashire Evening Post, the Portsmouth Evening News, the Oldham Chronicle, the Manchester Evening News, the South London Press, the Coventry Evening Telegraph and the Middlesbrough Evening Gazette. The papers with the highest proportion of 'favourable' reports were the Darlington Northern Echo (50 per cent) and the Kensington Post (52 per cent).

It is interesting to mention that the amount of negative items reported in the press increased quite markedly from January to February as the number of press reports on race relations increased. The researcher concluded that the reason for this increase could be attributed to the press reactions in February to Powell's first major speech on 9 February, and the actions and debates resulting from it. The level of hostility to coloured people was largely maintained in press reports of November of the same year.

One important way in which the provincial press conveys opinion in the race relations field is by printing readers' letters. The bulk of these letters - both those received and those printed were hostile to coloured immigrants.

An interesting example of how the press can create race relations 'news' out of nothing has been provided by reports in national newspapers about the action of the Race Relations Board (Race Relations Bulletin, 1970). In April 1970, Gentleshaw and Cannock Wood Women's Institute entered a local talent competition and chose to sing an old fashioned song called 'Ten Little Nigger Boys'. However they had second thoughts, believing that the title might offend some people, so changed the words to 'Ten Little Golliwogs' instead. The day afterwards a journalist rang the chairman of the West Midlands branch of the Race Relations Board and asked his personal view on the substitution. The spokesman said he thought either words would offend some people. Next day, the Daily Telegraph ran a story under the headline, 'Race Board ban Women's Institute's Ten Little Nigger Boys'. The Leicester Mercury headline declared, 'Race Relations Board rebuke of some Women's Institute Singers'. The Birmingham Post carried the


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opinion of a politician that 'the decision was pettifogging interference with ordinary pleasures of decent people'.

The Race Relations Board itself had no power to ban anything, and it had no formal complaint about the song whatever, nor had it contacted any of the parties involved. The initiative in the case, and the distortion involved, was entirely journalistic. Indeed, a week later, the President of the Woman's Institute involved wrote to the Birmingham Post that 'The Race Relations Board did not in any way interfere with our singing "Ten Little Nigger Boys". They did not even know about it then'.

The chairman of the Race Relations Board commented on this matter that a period of positive neglect by the mass media of the more lurid aspects of race relations would be helpful.

The brief review of the literature suggests that the press may have a profound effect in the sphere of race relations. The influence that it has had has been largely negative, and has been related to the propensity of populations to be unfavourable or negative to ethnic minorities. The press in so far as it has been innovative has acted as a support or catalyst of existing propensities in the community. In particular, the press has frequently served to maintain socio-cultural integration. The model examined concerning the connection of race relations and the British press is one in which the press initially reflects opinion of leaders in the race relations field to the degree to which such individuals have large and popular support. Since the press, both national and local, depend for their survival on the goodwill of readers and advertisers, it is unlikely that they will pursue an editorial policy in the field of race relations which is too far removed from the will of the majority.

Overall, the recent effects of the press on race relations have not been liberal (as the earlier influence of the press in this field was not liberal), and its effects have also not been benign.

Race and the press in Britain - a developing pattern

The phenomenon of the 'racialist letter' to the local press has fluctuated according to the salience of particular issues (Priestley, 1972). It is also possible that as editors and editorial policy changes, some of the newspapers identified as hostile to coloured immigrants in 1968 will become less hostile (and vice versa). Following editorial changes, the South London Press, for example, became less hostile in its attacks on black and Asian settlers in South London. Nevertheless, it continued to publish a variety of readers' letters, including ones expressing great hostility as regards matters affecting race relations. The National Front, for example, gave a special award to a member for a letter published in the South London Press (Wall, 1976).

A detailed analysis of the role of the mass media in fostering and supporting attitudes during the arrival of British Asian refugees from Uganda in 1972 has been made by Humphry arid Ward (1974). From the inception of the 'crisis' in August 1972: 'Newspapers carried pages of letters of protest which voiced people's fear of a fundamental change in British society which they thought the coming of the Asians would cause'.

The Daily Express was particularly active in a campaign of 'feeding people's fears' with stories of villages and towns which would shortly be overrun with Asians. By September, both the Daily Express and the Daily Telegraph were conducting vigorous campaigns, with the Express using 'large cartoons featuring Asians which at other times would have been considered an offence to good taste'.

Peter Harland, editor of the Bradford Telegraph and Argus has commented:

'It would be a mistake however to assume that, because the media's attention has passed on to such new excitements as inflation and kidnapping, racialism has disappeared altogether. It is merely latent. There is no evidence that the prejudice freely expressed in 1972-73 has evaporated miraculously. Its strength then was shown vividly by Derek Humphrey and Michael Ward in their 1974 Penguin Special - Passports and Politics. Perhaps because they chose to concentrate on one particular area - Basildon in Essex - their book was criticised as being both exaggerated and untypical. But everything that Humphrey and Ward found in Basildon, I experienced, and more, at the same time in Bradford, although Bradford was not an area designated to receive more than a handful of Ugandan Asians' (Harland, 1976).

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The effects of television upon attitudes

A leading television broadcaster (Gillard, 1975) has claimed that the role of television in maintaining national spirit and morale in times of crisis and difficulty is crucial. He may be right. The role of television clearly stands above that of other forms of mass media. Hartmann and Husband (1974) found that for the children and adolescents they interviewed, television was undoubtedly the most important source of information about the world. They argue that the important effect of the mass media is not that watching television makes us more violent or permissive or racist, but that the media throw some features into sharp relief, obliterate others, select and limit the issues which are worthy of consideration or recall. The mass media do not determine attitudes, but they do structure and select information we may use on which to base decisions about what attitude is appropriate. For the mass of people, of course, this process is hardly rational or conscious. Attitudes themselves are ill-formed and may be focused by the images and attitudes of the mass media. It is possible, too, as Halloran and his colleagues have argued (1974) that television and other news media serve to support already formed prejudiced opinions, in that adults and children who are already prejudiced recall more readily news items and programmes whose content is racial. The same programme can also mean different things to different observers. The influence of television programmes may be both subtle and indirect.

Television becomes important as children grow older. In a study of 11 national and cultural groups Lambert and Klineberg (1967) found that six year old children report a primary dependence on their parents for attitudes about other ethnic groups. Children of ten and older, however, report a greater dependence on television and reading materials. What this implies is that children can learn racial concepts, and racial terms of abuse which they would otherwise have been ignorant of. A case in point is the influence of the TV series 'Love Thy Neighbour' which portrays a white bigot who heaps racial abuse upon his neighbour. The programme is meant to be funny. The Area Round-Up Column of 'Race Today' reported in May 1973 that a primary school headteacher in Fife, Scotland, said 'that children in his school had made a coloured worker's life a misery, calling him names like 'coon' and 'Sambo', having picked them up from the programme 'Love Thy Neighbour'. A Thames TV spokesman said that all the evidence they had showed that people were overwhelmingly in favour of the programme both as entertainment and as good race relations - 'by using humour it takes the heat out of the colour question'. It could be said that the programme created a 'colour question' in Fife and in other areas where there are very few coloured immigrants.

Carlin (1975) has noted that, 'Racial clowning is the classic defence against humiliation and physical attack ... there is the Latin American clown, who is always smiling; there is, as Conor Cruise O'Brien again has pointed out, the Irish clown, who is always drunk; there is the Asian clown, the Babu; there is the Negro clown - we know him well. There is - or was - a Jewish clown. All racial clowns are sooner or later celebrated on the musical comedy stage'. These clowns are celebrated too, on our TV screens, and serve to reinforce the stereotypes of the majority. In recent years television's treatment of other cultures concerns the Arabs. Characters are either wealthy stumblebums in situation comedies or unprincipled terrorists in so-called dramas.

Both BBC and ITV continue to show a variety of old films, which portray Africans and American Indians as untrustworthy savages, fit peoples for subjugation and civilisation by the white man. A new genre of TV programmes has appeared on British screens in recent years - specially produced fictional programmes for TV which have been made in America in a new era of apparent racial enlightenment. A detailed content analysis of these programmes has been made by a group of American researchers (Donagher et al, 1975). A number of programmes analysed have been shown on British TV. The formal roles assigned to the characters varied considerably. Males, both white and black, were represented as professionals or semi-professionals e.g. educators, policemen, firemen, detectives, ranchers. Females of both races were portrayed as teachers, secretaries and housewives, whereas white females also took on such roles as nurses, counsellors, detectives and newspaper owners. Formal role-status, say the researchers, was not completely equitable but represented a substantial movement toward equality compared to role


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assignment during the earlier years of television. Citing research which shows that children's positive and negative attitudes toward their own and other races can be influenced by the specific ways in which racial characters are portrayed on television, Donagher et al conclude that the new wave of television dramas may have served to transmit a new wave of stereotypes, but these stereotypes are still ones of black inferiority.

Current statistics show that children spend a great deal of time watching television. A piece of research was conducted to ascertain the effects of a television series specifically designed to influence racial attitudes (Kemelfield, 1972). Kemelfield evaluated the effects of programmes transmitted in schools TV service for 9 to 12 year olds on the lives of children in other cultures. The programmes were shown to two groups of children, one in an area of immigrant settlement, and one in an area without immigrants. In general, the programme was well received, and also effective in achieving its aims of 'encouraging appreciation and tolerance of people of different creeds and races now living in Britain'. For example, of the subjects in the low contact area, 39 per cent thought that 'Pakistanis are usually as clean as English people', before seeing the programme, compared with 75 per cent of those questioned after seeing it. There was one exception to these results, in white children in one school in an area of high immigrant settlement, where 28 per cent of pupils were, in fact from Pakistan. Here, all the children's pre-programme knowledge was generally greater, but their post-programme answers suggested that in certain areas they were reacting to their own knowledge of their Pakistani peers rather than to the programme content. After viewing the programme, white pupils in this high contact school appeared to be more sensitive to the possibilities of culture clashes (e.g. over different diets) with Pakistani children. Clearly the effects of television are complex as are the effects of teaching about race relations in schools (Verma and MacDonald, 1971; Verma and Bagley, 1973; Verma and Bagley, 1979; Stenhouse, Verma and Wild, 1982), but TV programmes can have, in certain circumstances, a considerable influence on attitudes. If programmes transmitted by school television can affect attitudes in positive ways, it seems probable that programmes transmitted at other times can also affect attitudes. Unfortunately, there is not as much research on the issues as would be desirable.


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References

Bagley, C. (1970d): 'Social Structure and Prejudice in Fiv. [sic] London Institute of Race Relations

Bagley, C. (1973b): 'Race Relations and the British press: an empirical study'. Race, 15,60-89

Bagley, C and Verma, G. K. (1979): 'Racial Prejudice, the Individual and Society'. Farnborough: Saxon House

Breed, W. (1964): 'Mass communication and socio-cultural integration' in L. Dexter and D. White (eds) 'People, Society and Mass Communications'. New York; The Free Press

Carlin, M (1975): 'Clowns for all races'. New Society, January 9, 75-6

Cofax, J. and Sternberg, S. (1972): 'The perpetuation of racial stereotypes: blacks in mass circulation magazine advertisements'. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36, 8-18

Donagher, P., Paulos, R., Leibert, R. and Davidson, E. (1975): 'Race, sex and social example: an analysis of character portrayals on inter-racial television entertainment'. Psychological Reports, 37 ,1023-34

Ehrlich, H. (1973): 'The Social Psychology of Prejudice'. New York: Wiley

Gillard, F. (1975): Quoted in The Times, 19 September 1975

Halloran, J., Elliott, P. and Murdock G. (1970): 'Demonstrations and Communication. A Case Study'. London: Penguin Books

Halloran, J., Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. (1974): 'Mass media and social attitudes'. SSRC Newsletter, 23, 18

Harland, P. (1976): 'The media and race relations today'. New Community, 4, 435-60

Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. (1970): 'The mass media and racial conflict'. Race, 12,267-82

Hartmann, P., and Husband, C. (1974): 'Racism and the Mass Media'. London: Davis-Poynter

Humphry, D. and Ward, M. (1974): 'Passports and Politics'. London: Penguin Books

Johnson, P., Sears, D. and McConahay, J. (1971): 'Black invisibility, the press and the Los Angeles Riot'. American Journal of Sociology, 76, 698-721

Kemelfield, G. (1972): 'The evaluation of schools' broadcasting: piloting a new approach'. New Society, June 1,472-73

MacKinnon, W. and Centers, R. (1958): 'Social-psychological factors in public orientation toward an out-group'. American Journal of Sociology, 63, 415-19

Olien, C. et al (1968) 'The Community editor's power and the reporting conflict'. Journalism Quarterly, 45, 243-52

Race Relations Bulletin (1970): 'Frivolity and the Race Relations Act'. Race Relations Bulletin (London) May

Rex, J. (1970): 'Race Relations in Sociological Theory'. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson

Rex, J. (1972): 'Nature versus nurture: the significance of the revived debate'. In W. Richardson and D. Spears (eds) 'Race, Culture and Intelligence'. London: Penguin Books

Rose, J. and others (1969): 'Colour and Citisenship'. London: Oxford University Press.

Stenhouse, L., Verma, G. K. and Wild, R. (1982) 'Teaching About Race Relations: Problems and Effects'. London: Routledge

Verma, G. K. and Bagley, C. (1973): 'Changing racial attitudes'. International Journal of Psychology, 8, 55-8

Verma, G. K. and Bagley, C. (1979): 'The evaluation of three strategies in teaching about race relations'. In G. K. Verma and C. Bagley (eds) 'Race, Education and Identity'. London: Macmillan

Verma, G. K. and MacDonald, B. (1971): 'Teaching race in schools: some effects on the attitudinal and sociometric patterns of adolescents'. Race, 13, No.2

Wall, M. (1976): 'Caution or credibility'. New Community, 4, 463-64


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ANNEX B

Multi-Ethnic Teaching and the Pupils' Self-Concepts

A paper by Peter A Green

The sudden influx of immigrants during the nineteen-fifties and nineteen-sixties introduced into Britain a whole generation of Commonwealth citisens who tended to settle in a limited number of large towns and cities where they found accommodation available only in severely restricted areas with the consequence that schools serving those areas had to admit large numbers of immigrant children who then formed a substantial proportion of the pupils in anyone school. Very little was known about educating immigrant minorities (1) (in some schools they were majorities) alongside indigenous children for whom the educational system was developed and even as late as 1969 Vernon, commenting about immigrant children wrote, 'it is widely recognised that children of school age have considerable difficulties in adjusting to the unfamiliar conditions of English schooling' (2). Understandably teachers were concerned with immediate problems and researchers responded with a number of important studies (3,4). However, these problems were generally interpreted as being solely related to, and centred upon, the immigrant pupil's weaknesses, inabilities and failures which resulted in children of Asian and of West Indian origins being seen as the cause of the difficulties confronting the teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom. Black children were expected to fit into white schools and educational difficulties were almost invariably identified as immigrant problems.

The rapidly imposed changes threatened established educational practices and in their train induced feelings of insecurity (5) which tended to accentuate the significance of the white teacher's attitude towards black children of West Indian or Asian origin. The relationship between pupils and their teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom emerged as a major factor since 'any successful classroom has to be based upon a dialogue between students and teachers' (6) and because 'in many respects a child is taught what he is by being told what his actions 'mean', by their 'effect' on the others' (7). This awareness, once assimilated into the child's concept of himself, is likely to become an influential element in learning (8) and may be a significant factor in low levels of academic achievement. In the research on which this paper is based (9) the self-concept was viewed as a mental image established as a result of the knowledge the child has of himself and which is subject to modification through further learning. The malleable nature of the self-concept is widely recognised (e.g. 10,11) and such flexibility surrounding the relatively stable core of the self (12) places a formidable burden of responsibility upon the professional shoulders of the schoolteacher especially when 'the school is second only to the home in determining an individual's attitudes of self-acceptance and self-rejection' (13). As a learned structure it follows that, to some extent, it is taught by those people who are dominant in the life of the child. Few people can be more dominant than the child's teacher who, with an aura of authority, projects appraisals based on personally selected criteria which will be affected by the white teacher's attitude towards the black child and towards the educational task in which they are mutually engaged. Despite the development of new strategies in recent years the processes of education and social control in the classroom are still orally dominated by the teacher and the language of interaction becomes a means of appraisal by the teacher and a guide for self-evaluation by the child for as Laing points out 'identity is reached and sustained two-dimensionally, it requires recognition of oneself by others as well as the simple recognition one accords oneself' (14). In the course of this interaction the child himself will engage in making comparative appraisals


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comparing his own skills, attributes and performance with those of his peers and assessing his degree of success or failure. Davidson and Lang(15) showed that during the primary school years there is a positive correlation between the child's self-concept and the child's perception of his teacher's feelings towards him. Other studies clearly indicate that the perception of behaviour surrounding a child is interpreted and internalised to become part of the child's evaluation of himself (16,17) so whilst still in its very formative state the self is partially a product of formal education and as a learned structure becomes 'a condition of subsequent learning' (18). In America Rubovits and Maehr observed in their research that 'in general, black students were treated less positively than whites' (19) and 'were given less attention, ignored more, praised less and criticised more' (20). The interaction which takes place in the multi-ethnic classroom between the teacher and individual boys and girls of European, Asian and West Indian origins is, therefore, likely to be influential in the development of the self-concept, which itself has been consistently shown to be associated with the child's level of academic achievement (21).

The behaviour of the teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom, unless it is modified to produce a spurious behavioural pattern for some particular reason, is likely to reflect those attitudes which are stimulated by ethnic factors and because an attitude predisposes 'one to respond in some preferential manner' (22) the level of the teachers' ethnocentrism assumes considerable significance. By ethnocentrism we mean the tendency to consider the characteristics and attributes of ethnic groups other than one's own to be inferior. As it is derived from a basis of the individual's knowledge, or assumed knowledge, it tends to avoid the more emotive and active connotations associated with notions such as racial prejudice and racism which are usually based on predominantly negative and subjective beliefs. As a major influence on the behaviour a teacher exhibits in the multi-ethnic classroom it may be an influential factor in reaching the numerous professional decisions required of a teacher during the course of a working day. There have been few investigations in British schools into either the extent or the effect of ethnocentrism amongst teachers. Thus the present lack of objective evidence from empirical studies enforces a heavy reliance upon subjective comment from a number of observers of the multi-ethnic scene who, themselves, will not be completely immune from the effects of the phenomenon. The importance of classroom atmosphere is referred to by Davey when he asks, 'If self-esteem is dependent on the appraisal of others will not the prejudice of the dominant group enter into the stigmatised group member's perception of himself?' (23). What comes through quite clearly from a number of studies is that the quality of contact is likely to be an influential factor in the development of the child's self-concept especially in a multi-ethnic classroom dominated by the authority of a white teacher (24).

Any manifestation of the teacher's ethnocentrism in the multi-ethnic classroom takes place in the context of professional activity so the teacher's attitude towards that activity ought not to be disregarded. Goldman comments that 'the attitudes of teachers and educational administrators are important formative influences on how the ethnically different child generates his self-image' (25) and from the American scene Yamamoto expresses a similar view when writing about the teacher's role in the nurture of the-self-concept in children of Primary School age (26). Following the work of Oliver (27) the research reported here distinguishes the presence in the sample of toughminded/tenderminded, idealistic/naturalistic and conservative/radical attitudes towards education.

The toughminded/tenderminded dimension is sensitive to practical as against theoretical viewpoints indicating the teacher's attitude towards the methods used to achieve educational objectives; the idealistic/naturalistic dimension distinguishes the advocates of teacher-controlled education exercising an instilling function from those preferring child-centred education exercising a guiding function (28); and the conservative/radical dimension shows the teacher's attitude towards conservation or change in education. The different types of attitudes teachers have towards some fundamental aspects of teaching and learning are likely to influence their style of teaching and the type of teacher/pupil relationship which is encouraged. Additionally teachers carry into the multi-ethnic class their own degree of ethnocentrism which will find accentuated or diminished expression within the context of their teaching. The activity which takes place in the form of interaction is likely to influence the development of the child's self-concept as a learner which, in turn, may have a bearing on the level of scholastic achievement.


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To study the influence which teachers may have on the development of the self-concept of pupils of different ethnic origins the research investigated whether teachers' gender, their ethnocentrism and the types of attitudes they have towards education are associated with the use they make of different modes of teaching and whether that teaching is correlated to the child's level of self-concept. The sample consisted of seventy full-time qualified teachers and their 1,814 pupils in three middle and three junior coeducational schools drawn from two local education authority areas. The teachers, twenty-eight male and forty-two female white British nationals, were predominantly in their twenties and thirties with 43 per cent of the sample having had five or more years experience of teaching in multi-ethnic schools. Of the pupil sample those of European origin comprised 28 per cent boys and 24 per cent girls; of Asian origin 12 per cent boys and 13 per cent girls and of West Indian origin 12 per cent boys and 11 per cent girls. Two schools served the central districts of their authority's area with the children living in older type privately owned property. Away from the central districts two schools had catchment areas which included modern council and owner-occupied housing in roughly equal proportions. The remaining two schools were situated in older council estates with mainly poor housing conditions. The field work for the study was carried out during the latter half of the school year so that teachers and children had been in lengthy contract with each other by the time the data was collected.

To assess and record the classroom interaction the ten-category schedule devised by Flanders (29) was used distinguishing the acceptance of the pupils' feelings (Category 1), praise and encouragement (C2), the acceptance or use of pupils' ideas (C3), the teacher asking questions (C4), direct teaching of a didactic type (C5), the teacher's directions (C6), the teacher's criticism or justification of authority (C7), pupil talk in response to the teacher (C8), pupil initiatory talk (C9) and silence during teaching sequences (C10). The system of recording the interaction enabled the amount of time spent by the teacher in using anyone category with the class as a whole or with individual boys and girls of each ethnic group to be calculated for each class for a complete day (a). To measure the extent to which ethnocentrism was present in the sample of teachers a revised form of 'A British Ethnocentrism Scale' (30) was used and this revealed four main groups of teachers whose levels of ethnocentrism were significantly different. The two extreme groups, with twelve teachers in each, were designated as highly intolerant and highly tolerant teachers. The teachers' attitudes towards education were measured by the 'Survey of Opinions about Education' (31) which showed women teachers in the sample to be predominantly idealistic-toughminded-radicals whilst men teachers were idealistic-radicals with a tendency towards tendermindedness. Translating these theoretical constructs into a description of the probable behaviour of teachers in the multi-ethnic classroom we would expect both men and women in the sample to accept changes in education whilst seeking, from all children, a high level of performance emphasising the importance of subject matter. The main difference between men and women teachers in the sample is most likely to be evident in the manner in which they accept the changes and strive for excellence. Women are likely to be more authoritarian establishing a fairly inflexible classroom routine in contrast to men teachers who will tend to allow children a greater degree of freedom imposing their ideas less frequently than women teachers in a more relaxed classroom atmosphere. The level of the children's self-concepts were measured by three scales orally administered in the absence of their teacher: a modified form of the Bledsoe Self-Concept Scale (32), a modified form of the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (33) and the Waetjen Self-Concept as a Learner Scale (34).

Before focusing on the detail of multi-ethnic classroom interaction the general pattern of the teaching observed is described by the use of four indices. The first of these, the teacher response ratio, is an index corresponding to the teacher's tendency to react positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by the children. The second index, the teacher question ratio, illustrates the tendency of a teacher to emphasise questioning in preference to direct teaching of the didactic

(a) The expected frequency of any teaching mode was calculated according to the percentage number of children of each ethnic group being taught. Thus girls of Asian origin, who constituted 12.96 per cent of the children taught by male teachers, would be expected to receive 12.96 per cent of the total time given to any mode of teaching during individual teaching. The difference between observed and expected frequency provides a measure of the excess or deficit teaching in relation to boys and girls of each ethnic group.


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type. Thirdly, a pupil initiation ratio illustrates pupil's initiatory talk as a proportion of all talking and, lastly, the teacher authority ratio is an index representing that proportion of the teacher's direct teaching activity used for giving directions, criticising and justifying his authority. Relating these indices to the types of attitudes the teachers held about education shows that both tough and tenderminded teachers responded more positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by girls than they did to those of boys in each ethnic group. Both groups of teachers tended to respond more negatively to the contributions made by boys of West Indian origin than they did to those made by any other children. The responses of both groups of teachers, whilst similar in pattern are, nevertheless, at different levels: tenderminded teachers reacted more positively with boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than their toughminded colleagues who responded more positively with boys and girls of European origin. The teacher question ratio shows that all teachers, irrespective of whether they held tough or tenderminded attitudes towards their task, spent a higher proportion of time asking questions of children of Asian and of West Indian origins than they did with children of European origin. In other words, the teaching of children of European origin, especially boys, tended to emphasise direct teaching in preference to questioning. With the exception of girls of Asian origin all black children received a higher proportion of questioning from tough minded teachers than from those holding tenderminded attitudes. Whereas girls spent most of their talking-time responding to these questions, boys, taught by toughminded teachers, when compared with girls of the same ethnic group, spent most time using initiatory talk. When exercising their authority in the multi-ethnic classroom both tough and tenderminded teachers spent proportionately least time doing so with pupils of European origin and most time with children of West Indian origin. Within the context of this teaching girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin taught by tenderminded teachers recorded a significantly higher level of self-concept than those girls and boys of the same ethnic group taught by teachers holding toughminded attitudes towards their work. Within those classes taught by tenderminded teachers there was no significant difference between the levels of self-concept of boys and girls in each ethnic group but when taught by toughminded teachers girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded significantly lower levels of self-concept than all other children in the same classes.

Turning to the conservative/radical dimension, no significant differences were found between the self-concept levels of children taught by either group of teachers. However, within classes some distinct differences emerged. Boys of European origin in classes taught by teachers holding conservative attitudes towards education recorded a significantly higher level of self-concept than boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins in the same classes. They received more positive responses from their conservative teachers and more time for initiatory talking than children of Asian and of West Indian origins and they were subjected to less questioning and less authoritarian comment. In those classes taught by teachers holding predominantly radical attitudes towards education girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded significantly lower levels of self-concept than boys and girls of European origin and girls of West Indian origin. Girls of Asian origin received a high level of positive response from their radically minded teachers but a very low level of questioning, little opportunity for initiatory talking and only minimal authoritarian comment. Although teachers holding radical views about their work responded to girls of Asian origin in a strongly positive manner the general picture which emerges is one in which these pupils are relatively ignored. That is not the case with boys of West Indian origin who received from radically minded teachers an almost exactly opposite style of teaching which emphasised questioning and authoritarian statements and gave a lot of time to the boys' initiatory talking but only minimal time for responding positively to their ideas and feelings. Teachers inclined toward naturalism recorded a significantly higher response ratio than those inclined towards idealism. This more positive response of naturalistic teachers is evident in their work with boys and girls of each ethnic group. There is also a gender distinction in that girls, irrespective of whether they were taught by teachers inclined towards idealism or naturalism, received more positive responses from their teachers than boys of the same ethnic group. The pattern of responses within those classes taught by idealistic teachers is one in which they responded less frequently to the ideas and feelings of boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than to those of European origin. Likewise with girls, the idealistic teachers'


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responses were less frequent with girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than with girls of European origin. In the other classes those teachers inclined towards naturalism had a tendency to respond more positively to pupils of Asian origin than to those of European or of West Indian origin. These same teachers also spent more time than their idealistic counterparts in questioning pupils and both groups of teachers questioned black pupils more extensively than white. It is not surprising to find that teachers holding naturalistic attitudes about education tend to allow greater scope for their pupils to initiate contributions in the multi-ethnic classroom than the more formally and traditionally centred teachers holding idealistic attitudes about education who allow white pupils more time than they allow black pupils for initiating their ideas. Authoritarian comment from idealistic teachers tended to be directed towards boys rather than girls and towards black rather than white pupils. At the other end of the attitude scale naturalistic teachers used less authoritarian comment with children of Asian origin and most with children of West Indian origin. The level of self-concept of girls of Asian origin taught by idealistic teachers is significantly lower than that of girls of the same ethnic group taught by teachers inclined towards naturalism. Idealistic teachers responded to girls of Asian origin much less positively than their naturalistic colleagues, spent less time asking questions of these pupils, allowed them considerably less time for initiatory talking and spent slightly less time making authoritarian comments. Within classes taught by teachers holding idealistic attitudes towards education, girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded a significantly lower level of self-concept than boys and girls of European origin.

The evidence of our study (9) suggests that the attitudes which teachers of multi-ethnic classes hold about education may foster, through the teaching styles generated by them, educational environments to which the self-concept of some children is differentially sensitive. It is within these educational environments that teachers also manifest their differing degrees of ethnocentrism so the pertinent question is, 'What is it like to be on the receiving end if your teacher is ethnically highly tolerant or highly intolerant?'.

Boys of European origin, taught by highly tolerant teachers, received less attention than their numbers warranted in respect of nine of the ten modes of teaching (described earlier in this paper). Very minimal extra time was given to the negative criticism of the boys' work and behaviour but it was the most frequently used mode in a pattern which emphasised direct teaching supported by the opportunity for initiatory talking. These boys are given very little praise for their efforts receiving some 44 per cent less than would have been the case in an equitable distribution. In a multi-ethnic class taught by a teacher who is ethnically highly intolerant, boys of European origin received additional time in nine modes with only directives taking less than expected time. A positive approach gives some 35 per cent extra time to these boys in which to initiate their own ideas and provides substantial additional time (+32 per cent) for silence during teaching sequences suggesting a fairly relaxed atmosphere with boys of European origin. Their initiatives find ready acceptance and are reinforced by additional time given to praise and encouragement (+20 per cent) but they are not, however, immune from criticism (+21 per cent). These boys, taught by highly tolerant teachers, have a significantly lower level of self-concept than those taught by highly intolerant teachers. Furthermore, within those classes taught by highly intolerant teachers, boys of European origin recorded a level of self-concept which is very significantly higher than those of boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins but which is not significantly different from that of girls of European origin. Within those classes taught by highly tolerant teachers there are no statistically significant differences in self-concept levels.

Girls of European origin when taught by teachers who are highly tolerant are not likely to be slow in perceiving that, compared with pupils in other ethnic groups but like boys in their own, they are relatively disregarded. When they do receive the teacher's attention they will find themselves subjected, again like boys of European origin, mainly to criticism and a style of teaching which emphasises direct teaching. Less parsimonious in their use of some modes of teaching, highly intolerant teachers allocated to these girls slightly more than their fair share of time in respect of direct teaching, the opportunity to express their own ideas and opinions and the use of these contributions in classroom activity. The efforts of these girls are given more praise and encouragement than their numbers warrant but the most conspicuous excess of time is given to the acceptance of their feelings and responding to them. Highly intolerant teachers


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use a very mild level of criticism (-37 per cent) with girls of European origin and this is positively and significantly correlated to their level of self-concept which, coupled with an association discovered between direct teaching and the level of self-concept of these girls, may be an influential factor in the positive self-concept recorded by these girls when they are taught by highly intolerant teachers.

Boys of Asian origin received from highly tolerant teachers all modes of teaching in excess of what would normally be expected. This is the only group of pupils to receive such concentrated attention although boys of West Indian origin are not far behind when taught by the same category of teachers. The most distinctive feature is the lowest possible priority (b) given to the direct teaching of these boys by highly tolerant teachers: highly intolerant teachers give less priority only to the acceptance of the boys' feelings. The teaching profile of highly tolerant teachers working with boys of Asian origin is one, with high priority given to pupil responses and praise and low priority given to criticism, which suggests a pupil-orientated approach although somewhat surprisingly the pupils' initiatives, whilst attracting excess time, nevertheless command only low priority. Despite their exceptionally high level of ethnocentrism, highly intolerant teachers give considerable excess time to the responses (+50 per cent) and initiatives (+49 per cent) made by boys of Asian origin. These teachers not only give the highest priority to these two forms of pupil-talk but support also comes from excess time allowed for silence which occurs predominantly during the pupil-talk sequences. Although there is no significant difference between the level of self-concept of boys of Asian origin taught by highly tolerant and those taught by highly intolerant teachers, within individual classes, where differences of emphasis may be readily perceived by the children, boys of Asian origin taught by highly intolerant teachers record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Girls of Asian origin received from teachers who are highly tolerant a relatively even allocation of time in respect of most modes of teaching with a tendency to err on the side of excess time except for direct teaching, criticism and the acceptance of the pupils' feelings. The emphasis that these teachers give to silence, the use of the girls' ideas coupled with substantial praise and encouragement suggests a positive and supportive style of teaching. The tendency for these teachers to give extra time to the girls' talking, both in response and initiation, is indicative of a child-orientated approach which finds further support in the minimal time which is given to direct teaching and criticism. Highly intolerant teachers, whilst also giving additional time and a high priority to praise, tend to emphasise questioning and direct teaching giving a very low priority to the responses and the initiatory talk of girls of Asian origin. The high priority given to praise contrasts sharply with the low priority given to the girls' talking in response and initiation both of which are the most common activators of the teachers' use of praise.

The wide difference, not evident with other pupil groups, between the length of time given to the pupils' talking and the extent of the teacher's praise suggests an abnormally excessive and, perhaps, spurious use of praise with girls of Asian origin when being taught by highly intolerant teachers. In classes taught by these highly ethnocentric teachers, the self-concept of girls of Asian origin is at a significantly lower level than that of boys and girls of European origin but there is not, however, any significant difference between the self-concept levels of girls of Asian origin taught by highly tolerant teachers and those girls of the same ethnic group taught by highly intolerant teachers.

Boys of West Indian origin are given more individual teaching time by highly tolerant teachers than their numbers would justify in respect of every teaching mode except for the even balance achieved when responding to the boys' feelings. The order of precedence given to the teaching modes, (+) 7 - 6 - 4 - 10 - 2 - 5 - 9 - 8 - 3/1 (-), illustrates the importance that these teachers attach to maintaining control of the interaction through criticism (C7) and directives (C6) supported by excessive (+76 per cent) questioning (C4) which is a form of control accentuated by the low priority given to the responses (C8) evoked by the questions. The '9 - 8 - 3' pattern at the

(b) By 'order of priority' or 'precedence' we mean that the interaction categories, 1 to 10, are ranked according to the use made of anyone category by a particular teacher group with a particular pupil group as a proportion of its total use with all children.


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lower end of the order of precedence is a classic example of the teacher's limited use of the pupils' contributions (C3) inhibiting further contribution in the form of responses (C8) and initiatives (C9). The combination of the high priority given by highly tolerant teachers to categories '7 - 6 - 4' and the low priority given to categories '9 - 8 - 3' is indicative of tight teacher control dominating the work with boys of West Indian origin. With no other pupil group do these teachers give the acceptance and use of contributions such a low priority. Highly intolerant teachers differ only slightly from their more tolerant colleagues in the order of priority they give to the ten modes of teaching with boys of West Indian origin but they utilise each mode at a much lower level of frequency. Every mode, except criticism, is used less than would be expected in an equitable distribution giving a profile (+) 7/6 - 4 - 5 - 2 - 8 - 10 - 3 - 9 - 1 (-) which reflects the emphasis on criticism (C7), directives (C6) and questioning (C4) already observed in the work of highly tolerant teachers with these boys. At the lower end of the order of precedence we again find a low priority being given to the boy's initiatives (C9) and only minimal use being made of their contributions (C3). Although highly intolerant teachers give less attention to boys of West Indian origin than their numbers warrant, these teachers give a higher priority to direct teaching (C5) than those who are highly tolerant, which may suggest a greater concern with the process of imparting information to these boys. Although the priorities given to the modes of teaching by both groups of teachers are very similar, the differences in levels of frequency are considerable and may contribute to the significantly lower level of self-concept recorded by these boys when they are taught by teachers who are highly intolerant. In those classes taught by these teachers, boys of West Indian origin record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Girls of West Indian origin in classes taught by highly tolerant teachers can expect to receive more than their fair share of individual attention during the use of six of the ten modes of teaching. Least time is spent criticising them and giving them directives which suggests that these teachers tend to adopt a positive approach to their work with girls of West Indian origin. The teaching profile emphasises, with high priority and excess time, the acceptance of the girls' feelings and the initiation of their contributions to the work of the class. The highly tolerant teacher gives additional time to the use of the girls' contributions, to direct teaching and to the use of questions. Uncharacteristic of the general tenor of the work with these girls is the minimal time given to their responses to questions which, since there is some evidence to suggest that questioning is used by some teachers as a control mechanism, might not be unrelated to the infrequent use made of directives and criticism. The highly intolerant teacher employs these latter two modes more frequently than any others with girls of West Indian origin and they are the only two given excess time. It is interesting to note that questioning also occupies a high priority ranking fourth in order of precedence. When this pattern is contrasted to the very minimal amount of time given to the initiatives of these girls and the very low priority accorded to their praise and encouragement the restrictive nature of the teaching they receive becomes clear. Unlike their highly tolerant colleagues, highly intolerant teachers tend to use a similar pattern of teaching whether they are teaching boys or girls of West Indian origin. Girls of West Indian origin, taught by highly tolerant teachers using a (+) 1 - 9 - 4 - 3 - 5 - 2/10 - 8 - 6 - 7 (-) order of teaching priority, have a significantly higher level of self-concept than girls of the same ethnic origin taught by highly intolerant teachers using a (+) 6 - 7/3 - 8 - 10 - 5 - 4 - 2 - 9 - 1 (-) order of teaching priority. In classes taught by highly tolerant teachers, girls of West Indian origin record a level of self-concept which is not significantly different from that of other children in the class. The situation is different, however, in those classes taught by highly intolerant teachers where these girls record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Within multi-ethnic classes taught by highly intolerant teachers, significant differences have been discovered between the self-concept levels of children of European origin and children of Asian and of West Indian origins so we conclude by reviewing the style of teaching used by highly intolerant teachers. Our evidence suggests that when teaching pupils individually, teachers who are ethnically highly intolerant use a style of teaching within which they respond less positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by their pupils than highly tolerant teachers. This lack of responsiveness is particularly noticeable when highly intolerant teachers work with


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individual girls of West Indian origin and, to a lesser extent, with boys of the same ethnic group. During the more content orientated sequences of teaching with individual children, the use of questions figures prominently in the work of highly intolerant teachers and is very conspicuous when they are teaching boys of Asian origin and girls of West Indian origin whilst the balance of direct teaching is weighted very much towards boys and girls of European origin. Another feature of the teaching style of these teachers which seems to favour children of European origin is the greater opportunity which they are given during their talking to initiate ideas and opinions and to introduce questions and new topics into the interaction of the multi-ethnic classroom. The limited opportunity for initiatory talk given to black pupils by highly intolerant teachers is particularly evident in the case of girls of West Indian origin whose white classmates, when they are talking, receive over three times as much opportunity to engage in this type of activity. When girls of West Indian origin contribute to the interaction of the multi-ethnic classroom they do so mainly in direct response to the highly intolerant teacher's questions and, being given very little freedom to express their own ideas, seem to be subjected to a style of teaching which maintains a tight controlling influence. This restrictive feature in the style of teaching of the highly intolerant teacher is displayed in a more explicit fashion in the emphasis these teachers place on projecting their authority. This is illustrated most markedly when individual work takes place with boys and girls of West Indian origin with whom highly intolerant teachers use a balance of teaching which strongly emphasises directives, criticism and the authority of the teacher at the expense of direct teaching.

During less personal work with the class as a whole, highly intolerant teachers respond to their pupils' ideas and feelings even less positively than during individual teaching which seems to indicate an almost overriding concern with maintaining class control through criticism and directives. This tight teacher control tends to generate an authoritarian atmosphere within which direct teaching to the class as a whole takes place. However, the teacher authority ratio for working with the class as a whole is substantially lower than that when teaching children individually which highlights the emphasis that highly intolerant teachers give to controlling and regulating the behaviour of individual pupils. This style of teaching the class as a whole conflated with the style of teaching used during periods of individual teaching by highly intolerant teachers emphasises the use of questions, directives, criticism and authority statements at the expense of direct teaching. This style of teaching is accentuated by a lack of positive response from the teacher to the contributions of the pupils who are given only minimal opportunity to introduce their initiatives. In those classes taught by teachers who are ethnically highly intolerant it is children of West Indian origin who are most seriously affected by this style of teaching and it is these children who record the lowest levels of self-concept.

The research on which this paper is based (9) was conducted against a backcloth of public concern about the apparent lack of educational progress amongst children of ethnic minority groups. Since the pupil's failure may be seen as a reflection of the teacher's failure the need to reveal something of the dynamics of teaching and learning in the multi-ethnic classroom was considered to be important so the veil of obscurity, which inevitably conceals much of any teacher's work, was raised, albeit very slightly, to expose some elements of the teacher's influence on the self-concept of pupils of different ethnic origins. We conclude that boys and girls of different ethnic origins taught in the same multi-ethnic classroom by the same teacher are likely to receive widely different educational experiences some elements of which may be differentially related to the teacher's gender (35), the types of attitudes held about education and, when present, extreme levels of ethnocentrism. That there is no all-embracing explanation of, or solution to, underachievement in the multi-ethnic classroom seems to be axiomatic especially since the range of influential factors is unknown and makes elusive any simple aetiology of the problem. Bearing in mind that this cross-sectional study investigated what obtained in a relatively small sample and that correlation is not causality the findings should be interpreted with caution; assessed with discretion and ascribed with prudence but they ought not to be disregarded as they contain indications of ways in which multi-ethnic teaching might be modified to the benefit of multi-ethnic learning which is not unimportant as underachievement is a mutual failing.


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References

1. Goldman, R. J. Coloured immigrant children; a survey of research studies and literature on their education and problems in Britain. Educational Research, 8; 3; 1966, pp.163-183.

2. Vernon, P. E. Intelligence and Cultural Environment. Methuen, 1969, p.169.

3. Derrick, June. Teaching English to Immigrants. Longmans, 1966.

4. Wight, James, Worsley, F. J. and Norris, R. A. Concept 7 - 9, Arnold for Schools Council, 1972.

5. Green, Peter A. Attitudes of Teachers of West Indian Immigrant Children. Unpub. M.Phil. thesis, Univ. of Nottingham, 1972, p.67.

6. Kohl, Herbert. 36 Children. Penguin Books, 1973, p.lli.

7. Laing, R. D. Self and Others. Penguin Books, 1975, p.l56.

8. Purkey, W. W. Inviting School Success: a self-concept approach to teaching and learning. Wadsworth Publishing Co. Inc., 1978, pp.22-33.

9. Green, Peter A. Teachers' Influence on the Self-concept of Pupils of Different Ethnic Origins. Unpub. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Durham, 1983.

10. Piaget, Jean. The Origin of Intelligence in the Child. Penguin Books, 1977, p.157-158.

11. Rogers, C. On Becoming a Person. Houghton Mifflin, 1961, pp.163-198.

12. Brehm, J. W. and Cohen, A. R. Explorations in Cognitive Dissonance. Wiley, 1962.

13. Mistry, Z. D. A Study of the self-picture as held by groups of adolescent girls, prior to, and after school leaving age. Unpub. M.A. thesis, Univ. of London, 1960.

14. Laing, R. D. The Divided Self. Penguin Books, 1965, p.138.

15. Davidson, Helen and Lang, Gerhard, Children's perceptions of their teachers' feelings towards them related to self perception, school achievement and behaviour. Jnl. Exper. Educ., 29, 1960, pp.107-118.

16. Wylie, Ruth. The Self-Concept. University of Nebraska Press, 1961, p.121.


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17. Mead, G. H. 'Self'. George Herbert Mead on Social Psychology. (ed. Strauss, A.), University of Chicago Press, 1964, p.246.

18. Staines, J. W. The Self-picture as a Factor in the Classroom. Brit. Jnl. Educ. Psychol. 28,1958, pp.97-111.

19. Rubovits, Pamela and Maehr, Martin L. Pygmalion Black and White. Jnl. of Pers. and Soc. Psychol. 25, 2, 1973, p.210.

20. Rubovits, Pamela and Maehr, Martin L. Op. cit., p.217.

21. Brownfain, John J. Stability of the Self-concept as a Dimension of Personality. Jnl. Ab. and Soc. Psychol., 47, July, 1952, pp.597-606.

22. Rokeach, Milton. The Nature of Attitudes. International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. Macmillan and Free Press, 1968, p.449.

23. Davey, A. Racial Awareness in Children and Teacher Education. Education for Teaching, Summer 1975, 97, p.29.

24. Parker, Bob. Will it happen here? The Times Educational Supplement, 3145, 12 September 1975, p.23.

25. Goldman, Ronald. Education and Immigrants, Psychology and Race, (ed. Watson, Peter), Penguin Books, 1973, p.350.

26. Yamamoto, K. The Child and His Image. Houghton Mifllin, 1972, p.60.

27. Oliver, R. A. C. Attitudes to Education. Brit. Jnl. Educ. Studies, 2, I, Nov. 1953, p.35.

28. Peters, R. S. Ethics and Education, Allen and Unwin, 1966, p.lOO.

29. Flanders, N. A. Analysing Teaching Behaviour. Addison-Wesley, 1970, .p.34.

30. Warr, P. B. Faust, J. and Harrison, G. J. A British Ethnocentrism Scale. Brit.Jnl. soc. clin. Psychol. I, 1967, pp.267-277.

31. Oliver, R. A. C. and Butcher, H. J. Teachers' attitudes to education. The structure of educational attitudes. Brit. Jnl. soc. clin. Psychol. I, 1962, pp.56-59.

32. Bledsoe, J. C. Self-concepts of children and their intelligence, achievement, interests and anxiety. Jnl. of Individual Psychol. 20, 1964, pp.55-58.

33. Coopersmith, S. The Antecedents of Self-esteem. W. H. Freeman and Co., 1967, pp.265-6.


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34. Waetjen, Walter. (Self-concept as a Learner Scale, University of Maryland, 1963), Quoted in: 'Social Relationships' (E.281), The Open University Press, 1972, pp.165-167.

35. Green, Peter A. Male and Female Created He Them ... Multicultural Teaching, 2, I, Autumn, 1983, pp.4-7.





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CHAPTER 3

Achievement and Underachievement




1. Introduction

2. The Achievement of West Indian pupils

3. The Achievement of Asian Pupils

4 Factors involved in School Performance

4.1 Our Interim Report
4.6 The range of factors involved in achievement and underachievement
4.10 The IQ Question
4.15 The inter-relationship of Racial discrimination, socio-economic status, social class and Region.
4.23 Educational and other factors
5. Our Conclusions - West Indians

6. Our Conclusions - Asians

7. The Implications of our Findings

8. Summary of Main Conclusions

9. References

Annexes

Annex A - Achievement and Underachievement: Evidence from Young People of Afro-Caribbean and Asian origin

Annex B - Results from the School Leavers' Survey 1981/82: A Paper by DES Statistics Branch

Annex C - The Education of Bangladeshi children in Tower Hamlets: A Background Paper by the Education Officer, Inner London Education Authority

Annex D - The IQ Question: A Paper by Professor N J Mackintosh and Dr CGN Mascie-Taylor

Annex E - Revised Research Proposal on 'Academically Successful Black Pupils', submitted by the Research and Statistics Branch of the Inner London Education Authority.

Annex F - Summary of Main Findings of a Longitudinal Study undertaken by Dr GK Verma.

Annex G - A Note on Research: A Paper by Mr J Cornford.


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CHAPTER 3

Achievement and Underachievement



1. Introduction

1.1 Our terms of reference required us to '... review ... the educational needs and attainments of children from ethnic minority groups ...' They also required us to '... give early and particular attention ... to pupils of West Indian origin and to make interim recommendations ...' While we considered the attainment of West Indian children at some length in our interim report, we left a number of matters for further investigation in this, our final report, where in addition we examine the attainments of children from other minority groups.

1.2 In our interim report we discussed at length the evidence we received on the factors involved in achievement and underachievement, from the ethnic minorities themselves, from those in the educational system and from others. This revealed a wide consensus that focused on racial intolerance, prejudice and discrimination as a prime cause, with the emphasis on these factors as they operate within the educational system. To give something of the flavour of this evidence we have included in Annex A to this chapter quotations from the evidence given to the Committee in November 1980 by a group of students assembled by the NUS and from interviews with young people between 15 and 18 years of age, conducted in the Leeds and Bradford area between 1980 and 1983.

1.3 This chapter is concerned with a different type of evidence, namely research and statistics, and any such investigation is beset with difficulties. The evidence is incomplete and sometimes conflicting; in addition there is the immediate problem of deciding what we mean by achievement and underachievement. These are not absolute terms, only relative ones. But relative to what? Moreover, they are terms that are often used indiscriminately in two crucially different senses.

1.4 Turning to the first sense, we have, throughout this report, and in our interim report, made the comparison between the achievement of particular ethnic minorities and their school fellows in the White majority. For the most part this simple comparison is the only one that we can make, but it is not as simple a one as might appear at first sight, mainly because of the complexities of the effects of racial discrimination, social class and socio-economic status, matters we


[page 59]

deal with in paras. 4.15 onwards. This comparison is also unsatisfactory in that it gives little indication of the extent to which individuals or groups are achieving their full potential - namely achieving in the second sense. It is often supposed, naively, that there is a true measure of innate potential, namely a child's IQ (Intelligence Quotient), but this, as we shall see, is not the case. It may be the best measure of potential that has yet been devised, but it is far from perfect and is influenced by a variety of factors. In short, there is no really reliable indicator of a child's academic potential. Nevertheless, we are clear that many ethnic minority children are not achieving their full potential, regardless of how they compare with the white majority. The problem is further complicated by the fact that many white children are not achieving their full potential either.

1.5 A further point cannot be stressed too often. In our data on achievement and underachievement we frequently quote average performances for different groups. West Indian averages, for instance, tend to be lower than White averages. This however does not mean that all West Indian pupils are achieving less well than whites. Far from it; as Figueroa (1) has recently pointed out, some West Indian children do very well in this country. A statistical average conceals a wide range of scores, some very high, some very low, a fair number on the high side, a fair number on the low side, and most somewhere in the middle, clustering around the average, i.e. the group mean. In fact there are greater differences within a group, where achievement is concerned, than between groups, no matter what their ethnic identity may be. To complicate matters yet further, unexpected differences within groups have often been noted. In some studies, for example, West Indian girls have been found to be performing at a higher level than West Indian boys (2).

2. The achievement of West Indian pupils

2.1 The origins of this Committee can be traced back to a widespread concern about the level of achievement of West Indian pupils in British schools. In preparing our interim report, however, we were much hampered by the absence of ethnically based examination statistics at a national level. We had therefore to rely in large measure on a variety of research evidence already available on the academic performance of West Indian pupils. This evidence was identified and analysed for us by the National Foundation for Educational Research in their first review (3).

They concluded:

'... there is an overwhelming consensus: that research evidence shows a strong trend to underachievement of pupils of West Indian origin on the main indicators of academic performance

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... Depressing though it is to relate, it appears inescapable that by any standard of comparison, the pupil of West Indian origin is underachieving.'
2.2 For the interim report we were able to obtain, through the DES Statistics Branch, some information on examination results on an ethnic basis, using the Department's annual school leavers' survey. This showed that on every measure used, West Indian school leavers were doing markedly less well than White school leavers (see pages 6 - 9 of the interim report). These findings were echoed in much of the evidence we received in the first stage of our work. The overall message was clear. Whatever the reasons, and they are certainly complex, West Indian children are not doing at all well in the educational system.

2.3 Since our interim report and the first NFER review of research were published, a range of other studies have confirmed this picture of West Indian underachievement, including for example, a recent study by Craft and Craft (4) carried out in an Outer London Borough, which showed clearly that, irrespective of social class, West Indian children are markedly under-represented amongst high achievers, and markedly over-represented amongst low achievers. We reproduce a Table from this paper below:

Fifth-form Examination Performance by Ethnicity and Social Class

Examination
performance
White
%
Asian
%
West
Indian
%
Other
%
All
%
Totals
%
MCWCMCWCMCWCMCWCMCWC(a)
High(b)311832162092616301621
Medium5562586449515963566159
Low1420102131411621142320
Total
(Number)
4457861653593117611415576114762237

(a) MC = Middle Class, WC = Working Class. These categories are based on OPCS classification. See original paper for further details.

(b) High, Medium, Low. These categories are based on number of GCE O Level and/or CSE passes. See original paper for details.

2.4 When our interim report was published, many heads and teachers offered further evidence to support our view that West Indian children were indeed underachieving in the educational system. Some however questioned the existence of West Indian underachievement by offering instances from their own experience of children who had been academically successful (in the light of our


[page 61]

earlier comments this is in no way surprising), or commented on what they regarded as the shortcomings of the data from the school leavers' survey exercise. The major criticism which was levelled at these data was the absence of any attempt to take account of socio-economic variables and the bearing which these might have had on the findings. We would be the first to acknowledge that such background information would have added to the completeness of the picture and indeed at the time we explored with the DES Statistics Branch whether this additional information could be collected. We were informed however that the nature of the school leavers' survey precluded this being done, most notably because at the time the information is collected, many of the pupils concerned had left school several months previously. It was also suggested that the value of the school leavers' survey exercise data would have been enhanced by the inclusion of more specific and clearly defined ethnic classifications for the groups studied, rather than simply the broad divisions of 'Asian', 'West Indian' and 'all others'. In fact those schools which participated in the school leavers' survey exercise were asked to place their leavers in one of ten ethnic categories:

West IndianSubsequently shown as
'WEST INDIAN'
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
East African
Other Asian
Subsequently aggregated as
'ASIAN'
African
African or West Indian
All other descriptions
Not recorded
Subsequently aggregated as
'ALL OTHER LEAVERS'

The numbers in the sub-categories of 'Asian' and 'All Other Leavers' were, we were informed, too small to be statistically significant and the findings were therefore aggregated under the general heading - thus permitting a broad comparison to be made on the basis of figures which were statistically significant.

2.5 A further comment which was made by a number of people in relation to the school leavers' survey exercise data in our interim report was that too much reliance should not be placed on information relating to examination results for just one year and that the evidence for West Indian underachievement would be considerably


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strengthened if it could be shown, by repeating this exercise over several years, that the results for 1978/79 were not atypical but part of a continuing pattern. One of the principal recommendations of our interim report was that steps should be taken to collect a range of educational statistics on an ethnic basis and inter alia we recommended that the DES should, with effect from 1 September 1982, introduce ethnic classifications into its school leavers' survey. When it became clear that this recommendation was not going to be implemented by the date we had specified, we asked the DES Statistics Branch to repeat the school leavers' survey exercise for us to enable us to see whether, within the limitations already acknowledged, the relative performance of the groups had altered in any way in the intervening three years. They kindly agreed to assist us again and we reproduce at Annex B their paper summarising the findings of the exercise carried out in relation to the 1981/1982 school Ieavers' survey and incorporating some statistical comparisons with the previous exercise.

2.6 What is most immediately apparent from the findings of the more recent school leavers' survey exercise is that, as in the previous exercise, West Indian children are again shown to be performing markedly less well than their fellows from other groups on all the measures used:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations 6 per cent of West Indians obtained five or more higher grades compared with 17 per cent of Asians and 19 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language 15 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 29 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics 8 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 21 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- At GCE 'A' Level 5 per cent of West Indians gained one or more pass compared with 13 per cent of Asians and 13 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- 1 per cent of West Indians went on to University compared with 4 per cent of Asians and 4 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs; and

- 1 per cent of West Indians went on to full-time degree courses in further education compared with 5 per cent of Asians and 5 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs.


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Less marked but equally clear from the figures however is that there have been some statistically significant improvements in the relative performance of the West Indian leavers in each of the areas highlighted above, when compared with the findings of the previous exercise:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations, the percentage of West Indians obtaining five or more higher grades has increased from 3 per cent in 1978/79 to 6 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language, not only has the percentage of West Indians obtaining no graded result fallen from 31 per cent in 1978/79 to 25 per cent in 1981/82, but the percentage obtaining higher grades has also increased from 9 per cent in 1978/79 to 15 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics, not only has the percentage of West Indians obtaining no graded result fallen from 47 per cent in 1978/79 to 45 per cent in 1981/82, but the percentage obtaining higher grades has also increased from 5 per cent in 1978/79 to 8 per cent in 1981/82; and

- At GCE A Level, the percentage of West Indians obtaining at least one A Level pass has increased from 2 per cent in 1978/79 to 5 per cent in 1981/82.

We are of course encouraged by these signs, albeit limited, of a narrowing in the gap between the performance of West Indians and their school fellows from other groups. Such improvements have been noted in a number of studies over the last two decades, and have been related to length of stay and length of schooling in Britain - see for example Tomlinson (5) and (6); also Fogelman (7). We would hope that they may also be due to increased sensitivity on the part of schools. Be this as it may, we believe they offer scant grounds for complacency and we hope that no one will be tempted to interpret them as an indication that there is no longer any need for concern about the performance of West Indian pupils. On the contrary, these further data strengthen our belief that, as we stated in our interim report:
'West Indian children as a group are underachieving in our education system ... (and) ... this should be a matter of deep concern not only to all those involved in education but also the whole community.'

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3. The achievement of Asian pupils

3.1 In considering the performance of Asian pupils we have again been hampered by the absence of ethnically based statistics at a national level. A considerable amount of research has however been undertaken on their performance, and the broad consensus of these studies was described in the following terms by the NFER in their second review of research (8):

'Asians do not in general perform worse at public examinations than indigenous peers from the same schools and neighbourhoods ... Most of the studies point to performance levels on the part of Asians that either match or exceed those of indigenous peers. Findings usually relate to overall examination performance; when individual subject breakdowns are given, English often stands out as the area of weakness.'
School leavers' survey exercise data

3.2 Both the initial school leavers' survey exercise (1978/79) and the further exercise (1981/82) obtained data relating to Asian leavers (1). In general terms the findings of the two exercises (see Annex B), taken together, show Asian leavers to be achieving very much on a par with, and in some cases marginally better than, their school fellows from all other groups in the same LEAs in terms of the various measures used:

- At GCE A Level the percentage of Asians gaining one or more pass, in both years studied, mirrored exactly the 'all other leavers' figures: 12 per cent in 1978/79 and 13 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics the percentage of Asians obtaining higher grades in the 1981/82 exercise was the same as for 'all other leavers' 21 per cent;

- The same percentage of Asian leavers as 'all other leavers' went on to university in both 1978/79: 3 per cent, and 1981/82: 4 per cent.

The major divergence from this pattern of achievement was in relation to CSE and GCE O Level English Language - see Table 5 in Annex B - with a significantly higher percentage of Asian leavers obtaining no graded result compared with 'all other leavers' in the same LEAs, and the percentage obtaining higher grades being also significantly lower. The marked difference in performance in this

(1) As explained in paragraph 3.4 above, the exercises in fact collected data relating to five Asian categories - Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, East African Asian and 'Other Asian' but, in order for the group size to be statistically significant, the sub group figures were subsequently aggregated under the overall category Asian.


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particular subject may well, of course, be a major contributory factor in the lower percentage of Asian leavers obtaining '5 or more higher grades' in the Table of overall O Level and CSE achievements - see Table 4 in Annex A.

3.3 While the evidence about school performance of Asian pupils is not unanimous, the majority of studies, in common with the School Leavers Survey exercises, show an average level of performance, other than in English Language, that is generally on a par with that of indigenous White children. Recently Craft and Craft (4), for instance, in an extensive study (see para 2.3 above), have shown that the examination performance of Asian pupils at fifth form level, whether categorised as middle class or working class, compares quite closely with that of their White School fellows. And a smaller study by Brooks and Singh (9) reaches the interesting conclusion that:

'It is the similarities between White and Asian performance which are impressive, rather than any differences.'
3.4 Although there is an absence of ethnically based statistics at a national level in the education field, many multiracial schools collect information about the performance of their ethnic minority pupils as part of their normal self-evaluation. When, therefore, we came to consider the academic performance of Asian pupils, a number of schools were able to supply us with information about the relative achievement of different groups. In the absence of nationally agreed categories, the classifications used by the schools varied widely, from a straightforward division between 'ethnic minority' and 'White', or 'Asian' and 'West Indian', to breakdowns between Asian subgroups on a country of origin basis (Pakistan, East Africa, India), a religious basis (Muslim, Sikh, Hindu) or on the basis of home language (Punjabi, Gujerati). This lack of a common approach to classification meant that we were unable to base any firm conclusions on the data we received as to the relative performance of the Asian sub-categories. In by far the majority of the schools which provided us with information however, it was clear that pupils of Asian origin as a group were achieving in examination terms, very much on a par with their school fellows from other groups, except where they were suffering from linguistic difficulties. The following extract from the evidence of one school is typical of the responses received:
'Asians as a group tend to do well in examinations ... there appears to be no special trend in examination success ... different from those of the indigenous population.'

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3.5 This may not however be the full story, and one matter has frequently been raised with us, namely the extent to which statistics on the performance of Asians as a group, may mask considerable variations in the performance of different sub-groups. As we have explained earlier, although the School Leavers' surveys exercise collected data relating to some of the sub-groups, the numbers were too small to provide conclusions that were statistically significant. In their second review of research (8), however, the NFER do draw attention to evidence which bears on this question as does Tomlinson (2). Despite limitations, both in terms of sample size and research design, there are indications of differences in performance between some of the sub-groups, but with one exception these differences are not great. Children of Bangladeshi origin, however, have been shown in a number of instances to be performing markedly less well than their school fellows in other groups, both minority and majority. We discuss this matter later on, and reproduce in full as Annex C a paper by the Education Officer of the Inner London Education Authority.

4. Factors involved in School Performance

Our Interim Report

4.1 Diagnosing and evaluating the factors involved in achievement and underachievement is full of difficulties, and we turn first to the conclusions of our interim report. The factor most frequently and forcibly put to our Committee was undoubtedly racism within schools, mainly centring around teachers' low expectations of West Indian children; this we accepted as significant. But as we pointed out in our conclusions (p70):

'Whilst we cannot accept that racism, intentional or unintentional, alone accounts for the underachievement of West Indian children in our schools we believe that when taken together with, for example, negative teacher attitudes and an inappropriate curriculum, racism does play a major part in their underachievement.
4.2 In the course of our interim report we listed a number of other factors that needed further consideration. In particular we discussed (p.15) the pressures on West Indian families and concluded that West Indian parents are caught up in a cycle of cumulative disadvantage and went on to quote the well-known and significant statement in the government White Paper 'Racial Discrimination 1975' (10) which pointed out:
'... relatively low paid or low status jobs for the first generation of immigrants go hand in hand with poor overcrowded living

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conditions and a depressed environment. If for example, job opportunities, educational facilities, housing and environmental conditions are all poor, the next generation will grow up less well equipped to deal with difficulties facing them. The wheel comes full circle, as the second generation find themselves trapped in poor jobs and poor housing.'
It is significant that the Scarman Inquiry of 1981 (11) which followed the disturbances of that time, argued forcibly that racial prejudice and discrimination, particularly in the areas of housing, education and employment, contributed extensively to this cumulative disadvantage.

4.3 On page 20 we went on to consider the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey (12), which showed that reading attainment of West Indian children was low at eight years, and remained low at school leaving age. The survey examines a number of possible factors which might have led to this result - length of education in this country, social deprivation, linguistic handicaps, teacher expectations and the self image of the child. It finds that each of these factors plays some part in the overall picture of underachievement, and concludes:

'A major contributory factor would seem to be adverse environmental circumstances. When factors of social deprivation ... were taken into account the difference in the average attainment of West Indians and Whites ... was halved. The possible effects of linguistic interference and teacher attitudes and expectations could not be measured directly but it seems probable that they have an adverse effect on West Indians, particularly when coupled with adverse social circumstances.'
4.4 Our interim report was widely represented as putting forward racism in the education system as the sole cause of underachievement, in spite of the fact that we considered racism in the wider social context as well, and concluded that all these aspects of racism, put together, were the major factor. Despite this misunderstanding of our conclusions, the report did, we believe, give encouragement and support to teachers and others concerned about West Indian underachievement, though it has to be said that elsewhere it was subjected to some sharp criticism.

4.5 Since we presented figures that showed Asians on average to be performing very much on a par with whites, and since it was argued by our critics that Asians were no less subject to racism than West Indians, it was said that the prominence we had given to this factor


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must be misplaced and that other factors must therefore be at the root of the problem. Low West Indian IQ scores were mentioned as the real cause, and, as we have noted earlier, the absence of any consideration of socio-economic factors was also criticised. It became clear to us that we must examine these criticisms in detail in the final report, as indeed we had, in our interim report, declared our intention of doing.

The range of factors involved in Achievement and Underachievement

4.6 Many research workers who have studied the matter in depth have listed the wide range of factors that may be involved, and have gone out of their way to emphasise that the problem is a very complex one with no single cause, but rather a large number of inter-related causes - see for example Jeffcoate, (13) and (14) Mabey (15) and the ILEA Report on Race, Sex and Class (16) as well as the study by Tomlinson (2) and both NFER Reports (3) and (8). The same point emerges in the study we commissioned from one of our members, Dr Verma, which we consider later in this chapter - see also Annex F. The argument has recently been put particularly succinctly and readably by Dr Bhikhu Parekh, formerly a member of our Committee (17).

4.7 Under the heading 'Some explanations of underachievement' Dr Parekh lists the following:

'First, the low attainment of West Indian children is, according to some commentators, easily and adequately explained in terms of their genetic intellectual inferiority. This view of Eysenck and others is far more widely held than is realised ...'

'A second explanation accounts for West Indian children's low attainment in terms of the structure of their family ...'

'Third, some commentators explain the fact of low attainment in terms of the materially and culturally disadvantaged West Indian home. While the previous explanation blames the parent and the traditional structure of the family, this one blames their economic conditions and the character of the wider social structure ...'

'Fourth, some explain ... low attainment in terms of racism both in society at large and in the school ...'

Fifth, some hold the structure and ethos of the school responsible ... because many a school has renounced its traditional task of educating its pupils and helping them achieve


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basic intellectual skills, in favour of dabbling in social work and psychotherapy ... they underplay the value of formal methods of teaching, hard work and discipline ...'

'Sixth, some explain the low attainment of the West Indian child in terms of the failure of the educational authorities to identify and meet his educational needs ...'

'In addition to the above, several other explanations are also advanced from time to time ...'

4.8 Dr Parekh goes on, under the heading 'The underlying assumptions' to explain why the debate has been so confused and unsatisfactory:
'First, the debate is vitiated by what I might call the fallacy of the single factor. The participants tend to look for one specific factor, be it class, racism, West Indian family, West Indian culture, the school or educational system, to explain the fact of underachievement. This is obviously an inherently impossible enterprise. Not even a relatively simple natural phenomenon like the falling of an apple or the dropping of a stone can be explained in terms of a single cause ...'

'Second the debate is led astray by two false assumptions, namely that all West Indian children fail and all Asian children succeed ... thanks to these assumptions, some have argued that the reasons for West Indian children's underachievement cannot be found in the factors they share in common with the Asians ... thus racism, either in the society at large or in the school, is dismissed as an important factor on the ground that otherwise we would not be able to explain Asian success ... as we saw, the assumptions are false ... (the argument) is invalid also because it wrongly assumes that the same factor must always produce the same results.'

'Third, much of the debate is conducted at too abstract a level to connect with the reality of the school or the child, or to permit sensible discussion, or to have clear policy implications ...'

'Fourth, with few notable exceptions, the participants are deeply committed to specific theories and either ignore others or dismiss them with a bundle of sweeping generalisations ...'

Fifth, as we would expect, a debate on so sensitive an issue ... can hardly remain apolitical. By its very nature every


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explanation points an accusatory finger at a particular target ... Not surprisingly, the group which suspects that it might be blamed ... tends to marshal whatever arguments it can against the threatening explanation, or to demand impossible standards of proof and conceptual rigour, while not bothering to provide these for its own alternative explanation ... Like every political debate, the debate has an ideological character ...'
4.9 It is not to be expected that this or any Committee of Inquiry could disentangle all the many threads of this complex web. But we are very conscious, as Dr Parekh also points out, that too often society has 'sought ideological shelter behind the unsatisfactory character of the debate and used it as an excuse for inaction, arguing against every proposed course of action that the factors involved are not the only ones, the evidence is not conclusive, and so on'. We therefore add what evidence we can to the debate, and put forward our collective opinion in the sections that follow.

The IQ Question

4.10 Scores in IQ (Intelligence Quotient) tests were for a long time used as a measure of academic potential, and a pupil's score in such tests undoubtedly played a part in determining the set, stream or band in which he was placed, and this in turn was liable to condition the expectations of individual teachers, and indeed of the educational system as a whole. The high proportion of West Indian children placed in ESN schools as a result of such tests was first pointed out by Coard (18) in 1971. Present practice, however, has changed markedly, and the limitations of IQ tests are now much more clearly appreciated within the educational system. Nevertheless, there remains in society at large a view, quite widely but as we shall see incorrectly held, namely that West Indian underachievement is the result of low IQs. To what extent this misconception has contributed to racist attitudes in general and a feeling in particular that West Indian underachievement is inevitable, is a matter for conjecture. But it is, as we said in our interim report, a matter that we decided we must examine, and this we have now done.

4.11 Interest in the differences in IQ scores between different ethnic groups stems from the United States, where it was discovered, a long time ago, that US Blacks scored substantially below US Whites. There has been less research in this country, but a similar, if less pronounced difference, has been found between children of West Indian origin and the indigenous population. It must be emphasised here that the argument only centres round average scores. Individual scores vary greatly, both within the West Indian community, and within the White one. It follows that many West Indian children


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have higher IQ scores than many White children. It is when the averages are calculated that West Indians are rather consistently seen to be scoring less highly than Whites.

4.12 The heated debate that has followed these findings has centred round the cause of the difference. Jensen, in the US, and Eysenck, in this country, amongst others, have argued that it is little more than a reflection of the respective difference in average intelligence, and that a significant part of this difference is due to genetic inheritance. Others, for a variety of reasons, have disagreed.

4.13 This is a complex, difficult and sensitive area, and we have been very fortunate in getting a distinguished psychologist, Professor Nicholas Mackintosh of the University of Cambridge to review the field for us, and to carry out some fresh investigations. His paper, prepared in association with his colleague Dr Mascie-Taylor, is reproduced in full as Annex D to this chapter. The paper is a lucid and cogent exposition of the different arguments involved in the controversy, and we would urge that it be widely and carefully read. The authors are duly cautious about the evidence, but they have, we believe, disposed of the idea that West Indian underachievement can be explained away by reference to IQ scores.

4.14 We have not attempted to summarise Professor Mackintosh's and Dr Mascie-Taylor's rigorous and balanced argument, if only because they summarise it very clearly themselves (pp48-52, Annex D to the Chapter). In brief they show that much of the difference in IQ scores between West Indian and indigenous children appears to be related to differences between them in such factors as parental occupation, income, size of family, degree of overcrowding, and neighbourhood. All of these factors are related to IQ among Whites, and when they are taken into account, the difference between West Indian and indigenous children is sharply reduced.

The inter-relationship of Racial discrimination, Socio-economic status, Social class and Region

4.15 Racial discrimination, in a variety of ways, affects socio-economic status, social class and region, and some explanation of these terms, which may not be universally familiar, is necessary before we go any further. Socio-economic status, or SES for short, and often referred to as socio-economic circumstances or socio-economic variables, is an umbrella for a variety of reasonably precise measures of the degree of affiuence or deprivation of an individual, a family or a group. What is the level of income, what is the level of


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unemployment, is there overcrowding or ill-health, are they living in an unfavourable environment, and so on? Social class is a more blanket way of referring to the same thing, and is based on categories of employment e.g. professional, intermediate, skilled non-manual, skilled manual, partly skilled manual and unskilled manual. These categories are often grouped together in various ways e.g. middle class and working class, descriptions which, it should be mentioned, do not carry all the overtones of everyday usage. Finally there is the term region, which refers to the sort of neighbourhood in which people live e.g. inner city, suburban etc. Socio-economic status, social class and region, for the White majority, are determined, without doubt, by a great many factors, ranging from parental circumstances to educational qualifications. But where ethnic minorities are concerned, there is a further crucial factor, racial discrimination, which, as we discuss in later sections of this chapter, can, and frequently does, lead to poorer jobs, higher levels of unemployment, poorer housing in poorer areas, and in many instances poorer school achievement and fewer qualifications, than are to be found in the White majority.

4.16 Thanks to the pioneering work of JWB Douglas and many others, it has long been known, where White children are concerned, that poor school performance is closely correlated with low socio-economic status. It is also well known, as Professor Mackintosh points out, that IQ scores and low SES are similarly related. The precise interplay of cause and effect in these correlations is by no means fully understood, but is generally accepted as involving a great many factors, including level of employment, quality of housing, and level of parental education, see for example Rutter and Madge (19) and Mortimore and Blackstone (20). Nevertheless the phenomenon is so marked and so consistent as to leave no doubt about its significance. The fact that two things are correlated, however, does not prove that one is the cause of the other. It could be that both are caused by one or more quite other factors. At the same time it does not take much imagination to see why poor socio-economic circumstances might have a marked effect on school performance. There are first, of all, material reasons. It has long been realised that they can lead to poorer health and nutrition, and that they can lead to overcrowding, and little space and quiet for children to work. There are also psychological reasons. Families where parents have to work long or unsocial hours, and have to be out when children are at home, with the best will in the world cannot readily provide as much adult talk, or as much interest and encouragement in schooling as, say, a more affluent home. Region introduces a further complication. The poorest socio-economic circumstances are usually to be found in (often decaying) inner city areas, and here again the interplay


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of cause and effect is complex. On the one hand the poorest people are only likely to be able to afford to buy or rent in such areas, or, if they seek local authority housing, to find it in such areas. They therefore gravitate to these neighbourhoods, and having arrived there, they find an extra dimension of deprivation in terms of social amenities and available work.

4.17 As with almost all sociological problems, it is not possible to reach unchallengeable conclusions, and it may be that all the factors we have discussed play some part. Nevertheless, the weight of evidence about the direct effects of socio-economic deprivation make it likely that this is a very important factor (see references in para 4.19). In any case, the fact that it clearly operates across ethnic lines, revealing a marked correlation with school performance for Whites as well as all ethnic minorities (see again para 4.19), means that we must take account of it before reaching conclusions about achievement and underachievement, defined either as a comparison with White peers or with potential.

4.18 There is, of course, a very wide spectrum of socio-economic circumstances in the White population as a whole, but in the light of our comments above, we would expect to find the lowest socio-economic circumstances and the poorest school performance figures amongst children living in inner urban areas. This, indeed, is the case. A close examination of the school leavers' survey exercise tables in our interim report, and in Annex B of this chapter, shows, for instance, that the performance of 'all other leavers' (mainly White children) is noticeably poorer than the national average. Since the school leavers' survey exercise was conducted in inner urban LEAs (where the largest amount of deprivation is to be found), this is exactly what would be expected. Had the comparison been with leavers in areas more affluent than the national average, the disparity would have been greater still. It follows that a large number of white, as well as of minority children, are not achieving all they might, given more favourable circumstances. So much is common knowledge, and emerges very clearly from a recent Statistical Bulletin published by DES (21).

4.19 We turn now to the more complex question of socio-economic circumstances in relation to ethnic minority children. It would be surprising if social and economic deprivation did not affect them as it affects White children, and there is indeed clear evidence that it does. Professor Mackintosh, having discussed this effect as it shows up with IQ, analysed some of the same data in relation to school performance, and concluded:


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'... not surprisingly, they show that much, but by no means all of the initial difference between either West Indian or Asian and White children is accounted for by the differences in their social circumstances.'
The data in question are not extensive, and the studies from which they are derived were carried out some years ago. There is however much other evidence besides. We have quoted the work of Craft and Craft (4) earlier in this chapter, and an examination of the Table in para 2.3, taken from the summary of their findings, shows the effect of social class (as defined earlier) with striking clarity. Whether White, Asian or West Indian, the percentage of children in the high achievement category is about twice as high for the middle class as for the working class. In the low achievement category, the situation is reversed. We referred in our interim report, and again in this report (para 4.3) to the ILEA Literacy Survey (12) which showed that half of the discrepancy between West Indian and White children was explicable in terms of these same factors. Fogelman, (7)in an interesting paper referred to earlier, finds socio-economic effects to be important, and much other research points in the same direction - see reviews by NFER (3) and (8), Tomlinson (2) and Mortimore and Blackstone (20). How important these effects may be is not precisely answerable, and we leave the question to a later section. For the time being we only reiterate the view of those who have studied the matter in detail, namely that social class, socio-economic circumstances and region are very important. Indeed, the major and influential reports by Coleman (22) and Jencks (23) in the United States several years ago, placed considerably greater weight on the significance of social background than on school factors, in terms of educational outcome.

4.21 At this stage in the argument we need to look at the extent to which ethnic minorities are economically and socially deprived. If they were no more deprived, on average, than the White majority then any underachievement by comparison with their White peers in similar circumstances, could only be due to factors other than social class, socio-economic circumstances, or region. But in fact there is a great deal of evidence that many minority groups are substantially more deprived than Whites, and this must increase the significance of these factors. This evidence is collected together in the masterly third PSI (formerly PEP) Survey (24). The Employment Gazette (25) also provides much recent evidence. We do not attempt to summarise the massive PSI report in any detail, and would refer the reader to the work itself, in particular to the last chapter. Suffice it to say that though there are many differences of detail, ethnic


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minorities in general suffer from higher levels of unemployment than Whites, and when employed have lower incomes. Their housing, in addition, is poorer than White housing. Moreover the survey finds that although there have been a few improvements, there has been depressingly little change since the previous survey (1974).

4.22 The PSI report goes a considerable way towards analysing why there should be this marked level of ethnic minority social and economic deprivation, over and above that of the majority White population. As they point out:

'One purpose of this type of Survey is to obtain information on the total impact of racial disadvantage on the black population (the Report uses the term black to include all non-white minorities). This requires a detailed survey because it is important that our comparisons between white people and black people take into account the other differences that presently exist between them: for example in this study the analysis of job levels can be adjusted for any differences of qualifications and English fluency. It is also important to understand from the outset that no direct evidence of racial discrimination is available from a survey like this, except in the reports of individuals who have reason to suspect that they have been its victims. For objective evidence about the levels of discrimination we must look to other studies, and in particular the research carried out by making test applications to employers and other bodies and observing the responses to black and white applicants.'

(A number of these studies are listed on page 15 of the PSI Report, and we would add to this list the recent CRE Report (26) on Race and Council Housing in Hackney.)

Despite these caveats, the report leaves us in no doubt that a substantial part of ethnic minority deprivation is, in fact, due to racial discrimination of various sorts. It is of some interest to learn where the minorities themselves laid the blame for this treatment. (24)

'Several bodies stand out from the others, however, with a significant proportion of Asians and West Indians claiming they discriminated: those were employers, private landlords and the police. Among West Indians, concern is also expressed, though to a lesser extent, about the Courts, Housing Department and Schools.'
4.22 In conclusion, then, we are left in no doubt that the ethnic minority communities are, on average, markedly more socially and


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economically deprived than the White majority, though to an extent and in a manner that varies as between different groups. Secondly this extra deprivation is almost certainly due, in substantial part, to racial prejudice and discrimination. And lastly, this extra level of deprivation in turn contributes substantially to underachievement at school. The range of special programmes supported by successive governments to provide additional resources to counter the effects of deprivation and to foster equality of opportunity, indicates clearly the significance that society has attached to socio-economic factors. Nevertheless we are clear that it would be quite wrong to assume that low socio-economic status must lead inevitably to. low school attainment. Clearly it does not, since many children in such circumstances do well. Any teacher who sought to explain away, or who expected low achievement as the inevitable result of poor circumstances, would be failing in his task as an educator, and thereby seriously letting down the children and young people in his care.

Educational and other factors

4.23 It will be recalled that in preparing our interim report we received a great deal of written and oral comment, especially from the West Indian community, pointing to racism within schools as an important factor in the underachievement of West Indian children. We concluded that:

'... there seemed to be a fairly widespread opinion among teachers to whom we spoke that West Indian pupils inevitably caused difficulties. These pupils were, therefore, seen either as problems to be put up with or, at best, deserving sympathy. Such negative and patronising attitudes, focusing as they do on West Indian children as problems, cannot lead to a constructive or balanced approach to their education ...'

'Teachers should be prepared to examine and reappraise their own attitudes and actions in an effort to ensure that their behaviour towards and expectations of ethnic minority pupils are not influenced by stereotyped and negative views.'

'... discrimination, both intentional and unintentional, can have an adverse effect on how a West Indian child sees himself and his ethnic group in relation to majority White society which in turn can have a bearing on his motivation and achievement. This is clearly a complex and difficult issue ... We shall be looking further at this whole issue, in relation to all ethnic minority children, for our main Report.'


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4.24 We have not found it easy to take these matters much further. Professor Mackintosh in his Report (Annex D) looked for research evidence that might point to any effects of teacher expectations on IQ scores:

'Intuitively one can readily see how constant denigration, whether overt or more subtle. might sap a child's confidence in his own abilities. and cause him to fail.'
But he comes to the conclusion that such research on West Indian children as there is, does not, on balance, and perhaps surprisingly, seem to indicate such an effect. This, however, is not necessarily unexpected. IQ tests are designed to be as free from outside influences as possible. When, however, we turn to the large volume of research that bears on the effect of teacher stereotyping and expectations on school performance, the evidence can only be described as confusing. The problem is reviewed at length by Tomlinson (2), and Taylor in her first NFER survey (3). Taylor concludes:
'Overall the evidence on teacher expectation and attitudes does not really permit firm conclusions as to whether teacher expectations for black children are a determining influence on their school life and performance. Whilst it is most likely that some teachers do have negative perceptions of and attitudes towards (some) black pupils, it would also appear that many teachers are sensitively and actively concerned to evolve a consistent and fair policy towards and treatment of their black pupils ...'
A further interesting comment is to be found in a rigorous critique of the whole teacher expectancy argument by Nash (27):
'We know that expectancy effects can be found and that they cannot always be replicated, we know that the most subtle experiment may fail to show expectancy effects and we know that they will turn up (contrarily) in quite unexpected contexts.'
In short, some teachers hold stereotype attitudes and some do not, while sometimes the teacher expectancy effect works and sometimes it does not. This is hardly surprising; the educational process involves a complicated interaction between teacher and taught, teacher attitudes and stereotypes no doubt vary greatly, as do pupil attitudes. Clearly we are faced with a very complex and ill-understood phenomenon.


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4.25 This conflict of evidence is nevertheless puzzling, for it is not only West Indian parents who believe that schools are not bringing out the best from their children. There can hardly be any parent anywhere who does not think that some teachers bring out the best in their children, while others do not. We come therefore to the tentative conclusion that we ourselves, those who give evidence to us, and those who have researched into the question, may perhaps be taking too simplistic a view of the matter. It is for this reason that we touched on the work of Green and reproduced his paper in Annex B of Chapter 2. Despite the cautious disclaimers at the end of his paper, we think his work suggests an interesting new approach to the problem. We also think the verbatim remarks quoted by two researchers (see Annex G to this Chapter), give much food for thought. In short, while we do not retreat from our earlier conclusions about the influence of teachers, we do think the problem is complex and subtle, and needs much more research if it is ever to be understood in full. To use a medical metaphor, until it is understood, it will be difficult to prescribe with certainty the treatment that is likely to be most effective.

4.26 Where teacher attitudes and expectancy effects are concerned, the research evidence is clearly conflicting and confusing. In many other areas where comparable factors have been thought to be important, in the school, in the home or elsewhere, the research evidence, is, once again, all too often confusing. The question, for instance, of whether underachievement can be attributed to low self-esteem, generated by racist treatment in school or elsewhere, has been much disputed and much researched - see references and comments in Taylor (3), Tomlinson (2), Figueroa (1) and Jeffcoate (14) as well as Thomas (28). We can only conclude that the issues involved are certainly complex and that there is now a good deal of evidence that low self-esteem amongst ethnic minority children is not, contrary to what one might expect, the widespread phenomenon that has often been supposed. The related question of motivation is equally complex and as Verma (29) and Verma and Ashworth (30) have shown, depends on attitudes in school, in society and in the family.

4.27 The extent of the conflict and confusion that prevails in so many areas of research on the achievement of ethnic minorities has, no doubt, many causes. Some of it is simply not very good research and suffers from some or even all of the defects vividly listed by Parekh - (see para 4.9). But above all, we believe, it must be attributed to the complexity of the problems, and the fact that there are many underlying causes. We have emphasised this point repeatedly, and do so again. Nevertheless, we believe that the message


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is slowly getting across, and not only in the world of research. In this context we draw attention to a paper that has reached us recently, and which makes the point very dearly. Blatchford et al (31), examining the influence of ethnic origin, gender and home on entry skills (literacy and numeracy) into infant schools, looked at a large number of possible factors, and by means of multiple regression analysis separated out those that were important and those that were not. In this case three factors stood out - parental teaching, the extent of parental education (particularly maternal) and parental views on education. But even these three only accounted for one quarter of the variation in children's entry skill scores. The conclusions are interesting and important in themselves, but the clear demonstration of the complexity of the problem is perhaps even more striking.

4.28 In the light of the difficulty in reaching helpful conclusions from existing research about the factors, other than socio-economic status, which are involved in achievement and underachievement, we decided that a major study was needed to unravel further the many issues involved, believing them to consist of a complex combination of factors, operating differentially both in school and out of school. We were fortunate that Dr Mortimore, the Director of Research and Statistics at the Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) approached us about undertaking such a study on our behalf, designed to provide information on the factors - in the school, in the community and at home - which had enabled West Indian pupils in a range of ILEA schools to be successful in GCE O Level and CSE examinations. The proposed study closely resembled that suggested by the NFER in their first review of research (3):

'A major in-depth investigation ... to study and compare the relation between the performance of West Indian pupils, their family background and factors internal to school. The emphasis in such a study would be on home-school interaction and type, size and atmosphere of school, necessitating carefully matched samples for detailed study, focusing particularly on those children who were comparatively high achievers.'
At our suggestion, the ILEA proposal was enlarged to include Asian as well as West Indian and White pupils, and to give greater attention to the influence of racism. A copy of the revised research proposal is attached as Annex E. We were also concerned that a study which was wholly London-based might not be properly representative. We therefore explored the possibility of replicating the work in LEAs in the Midlands and the North of England, thereby increasing the sarnple to well over 1000 pupils.


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4.29 The researchers embarked on informal consultations about the project with interested organisations, communities and individuals, but it soon became evident that there were serious reservations, and since the research team felt that the cooperation of teachers and the ethnic minority communities was essential to the success of the project, they decided that they had no option but to abandon it. Some members of the Committee regret the loss of this study, believing that it might have provided valuable insights into a difficult problem. Others were sceptical about its value and feasibility.

4.30 With the loss of this research project, we were anxious to find other data concerned with the factors influencing the performance of ethnic minority pupils, including those of West Indian origin. We were fortunate that one of our members, Dr GK Verma, had already collected some relevant data in the connection with a longitudinal study he was undertaking in the Leeds and Bradford area on 'Ethnicity and Achievement in British Schools', and that he was able to draw out for us from this data some broad conclusions on the main factors influencing the examination achievement of children from the different ethnic groups. A summary by Dr Verma of the main findings of his study is attached as Annex F of this chapter. As the summary makes clear, the study was not intended to compare directly the levels of achievement of different ethnic groups, but rather to identify the way in which different factors influenced the high and the low achievers within each group. The findings raise a number of interesting points, and highlight yet again the complexity of the factors involved and the need for further research in this area.

4.31 Finally, this Chapter would be incomplete if we were not to note the changing response of schools to the presence of ethnic minority pupils, and the relevance of this to underachievement. At the outset, as we discuss in detail later in our report, the aim was assimilation, and LEAs concentrated their efforts on E2L work. But in the past few years, and in part, we would like to think, as a result of our interim report, things have begun to change. More pluralist aims have come to the fore, more positive attitudes towards pupil bilingualism and dialect differences are apparent, and there are stronger moves towards respect for diversity through curriculum permeation. We have noted, in paragraph 2.6, that there are signs of improved pupil performance, and we would like to think that these are the result of changing school attitudes. But there is a long way to go, and only time will tell.


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5. Our Conclusions - West Indians

5.1 There is no doubt that West Indian children, as a group, and on average, are underachieving; both by comparison with their school fellows in the White majority, as well as in terms of their potential, notwithstanding that some are doing well. In our interim report we laid particular stress on teachers' stereotyped attitudes and negative expectations as likely to be an important factor in this underachievement. But we also listed a whole range of other factors to be examined in more detail in our final report. This, as best we can, we have now done, and we are led, not so much to revise our earlier conclusions, as to add to them. This is not surprising - we originally pointed out that we were dealing with a complex problem and that there were likely to be a variety of factors involved.

5.2 Our interim report was criticised on two grounds in particular, first, that it failed to consider IQ, held by many to be responsible for West Indian underachievement, and second that we paid altogether too little attention to social class and socio-economic factors, long known to be closely related to achievement amongst White children. We turn first to IQ where, we believe, we have been able to make an important contribution, thanks to an impressive research paper which we commissioned from Professor Mackintosh and Dr Mascie-Taylor. The authors show that the often quoted gap between West Indian and White IQ scores is sharply reduced when account is taken of socio-economic factors - contrary to general belief, IQ scores, like school performance, are related to these factors. It follows from their work that low West Indian average IQ scores are not a major factor in underachievement, and as the authors point out, may well be of no more significance than the well-known average difference in IQ scores between twins and singletons within a family. As the authors put it:

'We do not think that this matters and we should rightly question the good sense or good will of anyone who claimed that it did.'
5.3 IQ has long been a sensitive and emotive issue. We hope that it can now cease to be so, and we turn to another matter which has tended to be only slightly less emotive, namely social class and socio-economic status (we use both terms in the technical sense, as measures of deprivation, and we have discussed them in more detail in the previous section). It has long been known, where White children are concerned, that poverty and poor housing are associated with underachievement at school, in all probability for a range of perfectly understandable reasons that we have discussed in the previous section. It is now clear, as one would expect, that ethnic


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minority children suffer in a similar way. But, as we have seen, members of the ethnic minorities suffer from an extra element of social and economic deprivation, over and above that of the White majority - due, as we discussed in the last section, mainly to prejudice and discrimination in the employment and housing markets, together, in the case of relatively recent arrivals, with language difficulties and incompatibility in qualifications. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that ethnic minority children may underachieve by comparison with their White school fellows.

5.4 Having reached this stage in the argument, it is natural to ask the question: what proportion of West Indian underachievement is due to these social and environmental factors? There is no easy answer, but where achievement is recorded as a straight score, as for instance IQ, or literacy, then the answer seems to be something like a half (see Annex D, and the ILEA Literacy Survey, mentioned in our interim report and in Para 4.3 of this chapter). Where we are dealing with other measures of achievement, such as percentages of children obtaining various numbers of CSE, O Level or A Level grades, which cannot be expressed so simply, then the answer is less sure. We can however get an idea of the importance of these social class and socio-economic factors by looking in detail at the paper by Craft and Craft, discussed earlier, and in particular at their Table in Paragraph 2.3. Though the percentages with high achievement are markedly different as between Whites and West Indians, there is in both cases a two-fold difference between middle class children and working class children. We can, however look at these figures in another way and calculate from them the difference between White and West Indian high-scoring percentages with the class adjustment removed. It turns out that 22.7 per cent of White children are high achievers, as against 10.6 per cent of West Indian children, that is to say about a two-fold difference. If however we look at the original figures for middle-class children in the Table, we see that 31 per cent of Whites are high achievers, as against 20 per cent of West Indians. In other words, a two-fold difference has been sharply reduced to only a one and a half fold difference. Returning to our question, how much of West Indian underachievement is attributable to social class and socio-economic factors, it is clearly difficult to give a precise figure. Perhaps, a substantial amount is the best answer. But there is no doubt that these factors do not explain all of West Indian underachievement, so that we are left with an important element still unaccounted for, to which we now turn.

5.5 Having concluded that the complex of factors involved in social class, socio-economic status and region account for a substantial part of West Indian underachievement, but not all of it, and having


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concluded that IQ is not a major factor, and possibly not even a minor one, we are left with a large number of other factors that have been suggested in explanation. These are summarised briefly in our quotation from Parekh (Para 4.8). All of them involve the interaction of the school and society at large with the West Indian child, the West Indian family and the West Indian community, with, running through the whole complex, the influences of prejudice and discrimination in one form or another. We had hoped to get further than we have in disentangling this web of possible factors, but the research evidence is often lacking, and where it exists it is often sketchy or conflicting, or both. Moreover our own research project on the factors making for success, which many of us believe could have pointed the surest ways forward, had, as we explained earlier, to be abandoned. In this context current research being carried out jointly by the Policy Studies Institute and the University of Lancaster by Dr David Smith and Professor Sally Tomlinson (32) will, we believe, prove helpful. Meanwhile we seek to draw a few conclusions in this particularly difficult area:

We and many others offer views on where solutions lie, and it may be that society, mainly by hunch, will light on what prove to be the key ones. But there is a serious need for more research, and especially more good and innovative research in this ill defined area. There is, in some quarters, an uneasy suspicion of scientific enquiry, but as Sir Peter Medawar has put it:

'the purpose of scientific enquiry is not to compile an inventory of factual information ... it begins as a story about a Possible World - a story which we invent and criticise and modify as we go along, so that it ends by being, as nearly as we can make it, a story about real life.'
Research into our present problem has by no means reached the end of this road, but as it goes along it will gradually increase our understanding and indicate, with increasing certainty, as it has done in so many other areas, how best to solve the problems. With this in mind we asked James Cornford, one of our members, to write a paper for us on possible ways ahead in research, and this we reproduce as Annex G to the present chapter. We are also glad to report that the Economic and Social Research Council has expressed its interest in supporting good research in this area.

Secondly, and in this same context, we have seen in the previous section, that even such familiar explanations as the effects of teacher stereotyping and teacher expectations, are likely to be more complex and subtle than has usually been supposed. It would not be surprising if other current explanations also turned out to be too simplistic.


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Thirdly, even if it were to be shown beyond any doubt that some particular factor related to ethnicity played a large part in underachievement, we would not expect that we could alter it by exhortation of the individual or group concerned. Shy people are not turned into extroverts by telling them to be more talkative; nor are teachers, advisers or administrators whose educational practices need to be liberalised and made more aware of the multi-ethnic context, likely to change without considerable encouragement, advice and in-service assistance. If we want to help, we have to do what we can to reduce ethnocentrism and racism in the educational system, and where the educational system can help to reduce this in the next generation, it must do so. As we discuss at length elsewhere in our report, there is now a good deal of material available, produced by the former Schools Council and the School Curriculum Development Committee, as well as by many LEAs and others, designed to help teachers and advisers to produce a curriculum appropriate for all children in a plural society, as well as meeting the particular needs of minority children. We conclude that the message of the interim report still stands: we should do all we can to diminish prejudice and discrimination within the educational system, and, through the next generation, outside it; and, simultaneously, we should give every help and encouragement within the educational system to enable minority children to overcome their disadvantages.

6. Our Conclusions - Asians

6.1 Incomplete as our conclusions on West Indian achievement may be, we have to admit that our conclusions on Asian achievement are even more incomplete. Moreover the statistical and research evidence on the many smaller minorities is so lacking that we do not even attempt an analysis where they are concerned, though it seems certain that some at least of them are seriously underachieving - see Part IV of this Report and the third NFER Survey (33).

6.2 Much evidence, as we have seen, leaves no doubt that the performance of the totality of Asian children resembles on average the performance of White children. This has not always been the case, since new immigrant children with language difficulties, not surprisingly, did not do well; but this effect has faded away in recent years with the decline in immigration. Averages, however, as we have pointed out earlier, conceal much variability, and statistics have often shown differences in achievement between the various Asian sub-groups. These differences, however, are not always consistent, and are not great, with the exception of the Bangladeshis, whom we discuss in Paragraph 6.8. They, it is clear, are seriously underachieving.


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6.3 The close resemblance between the performance of most Asian and White children is not easily explained. It will be recalled that our remarks in the interim report about racism in general, and racism in schools especially, as being an important factor in West Indian underachievement, were much criticised in some quarters, on the grounds that Asians also are subject to these influences, but do not seem to be affected by them, at least where school performance is concerned. We have more to say about this later, but it is not the only puzzling feature of Asian achievement. We have seen earlier that the performance of all children, White, West Indian and Asian, varies with social class, socio-economic circumstances and region; moreover that Asians as well as West Indians are, on average, more deprived than Whites, for reasons we have discussed earlier. Once again, therefore, one might expect to find Asian performance to be poorer than White performance. But in general it is not.

6.4 We examined earlier the question of IQ, to see whether this might be the cause of West Indian underachievement, but concluded that it was not. Is it possible, on the other hand, that Asians have rather high IQs? If so we might have an explanation of their achievement. But as is apparent from Professor Mackintosh's Report (Annex D), there is no reason to suppose that their scores differ much from those of the White majority, when adjusted for social class.

6.5 There is, as we have seen earlier, no doubt that Asians are affected by social and economic deprivation, as are West Indians (and Whites) but it would seem that it cannot be to quite the same extent, or in quite the same way. When, moreover, we turn to the educational and other factors which, as we saw in paragraphs 4.23-4.29, seem to be substantially involved in the underachievement of West Indians, we have to conclude that they can only be having, at most, a slight effect on Asians. Notwithstanding the criticisms made of the interim report on this very point, we need not be surprised. As we have made clear earlier in this chapter, we are dealing with a very complex interaction between social class, ethnicity and race. White attitudes towards the different ethnic minorities vary, no doubt in association with social class perceptions and racial frames of reference. There are, in consequence, likely to be different forms of prejudice and discrimination directed at the different ethnic minorities, while the cultures of the ethnic minorities are the product of very different histories, which have led to very different attitudes, beliefs and assumptions on the part of the community, the family and the individual, a point that comes out very clearly from Dr Verma's study. Given the infinite variability of mankind, it is not surprising that different groups should evoke


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different reactions from the White majority, and themselves react differently to this complex of factors. On the contrary, it would be surprising if they did not. We would remind anyone who thinks that racial prejudice and discrimination must have identical effects on every minority, of Parekh's perceptive second comment in paragraph 4.8.

6.6 Nevertheless, as we examine school performance, we are bound to ask what it is about Asians that somehow enables them to surmount in some degree the influences of social and economic deprivation, to an extent that seemingly West Indians do not; and what it is that enables them either to surmount direct racial prejudice, discrimination and harassment, to an extent that West Indians seemingly do not, or causes them to attract such prejudice and discrimination to a lesser extent, or in a different form. We do not know the answers, though a number of suggestions have been put to us. Some of these we find contrived and unconvincing, but two of them seem to us to have a certain plausibility. We put them forward tentatively, since there is little objective evidence:

Asians, it has been put to us, are given to 'keeping their heads down' and adopting 'a low profile', thereby making it easier to succeed in a hostile environment. West Indians, by contrast, are given to 'protest' and 'a high profile', with the reverse effect. Given the very different histories of the two groups, it is not an improbable explanation. But it is a stereotype judgement, and as with all stereotype judgements it must be viewed with caution - it is certainly not true of all Asians or all West Indians.

It has also been put to us that the explanation lies in the particularly tightly knit nature of the Asian community and the Asian family, more tightly knit than is the case either with Whites or West Indians. Since parental and family influences on speed of learning to read, and educational success in general have long been recognised-see the Plowden Report (34), Johnson (35) and Douglas (36) this also seems to us to be a factor to be borne in mind.

6.7 On a more general note, it should be recalled that the nature of the West Indian and Asian migrations were significantly different, the one arising from the largely rural, colonial hierarchy of island economies, the other deriving from the more diversified labour market of a colonial administration run more in partnership with the established social system. It would therefore be no surprise if attitudes to education and the acquisition of qualifications were


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to vary as between West Indians and Asians, and a number of commentators have seen this as significant. Wherever the truth may lie, the reasons for the very different school performances of Asians and West Indians seem likely to lie deep within their respective cultures. It should also be said that the British school system has perceived the needs of these different groups of children rather differently. As we have noted elsewhere in this report, Asian children were seen on arrival to present, primarily, a language problem, which was readily identifiable and manageable through an elaborate E2L provision. The needs of West Indian children on the other hand seem to have been less easily understood, and have, arguably, attracted altogether insufficient attention and resources, e.g. via Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966.

6.8 We mentioned earlier that the Bangladeshis were the one Asian sub-group whose school achievement was very low indeed, and we reproduce an ILEA Report on the large Bangladeshi community in Tower Hamlets in Annex C of this chapter. We have no relevant research on this particular minority group, but it will be evident that their degree of social and economic deprivation, not to mention racial harassment, is so high that we are not surprised at their marked level of underachievement. We are glad that ILEA is well aware of their special problems.

7. The implications of our findings

7.1 We have seen that school performance depends in substantial part, for ethnic minority groups, just as it does for Whites, on social class, socio-economic circumstances and region. To this extent any minority underachievement is part of the universal problem of social deprivation. But as we have also seen, the ethnic minorities, to varying extents, are, on average, significantly more deprived than Whites. And again, as we have seen, there can be no doubt that a substantial part of this extra deprivation is due to prejudice and discrimination by the White majority. Other factors may enter in - there may be an element of the 'cycle of deprivation', and in the case of Asians, lack of fluency in English may also be involved, though with the slowing down of immigration, to a decreasing extent. Nevertheless, the fact remains that racism in society at large, and operating through employers, trade unions, landlords and housing authorities, not to mention racial harassment and violence, contributes to this extra element of deprivation, which in turn may generate an extra element of underachievement.

7.2 In the short term, countering racism within society at large must be a matter for the Law, for Government, Local Authorities,


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Employers, Trade Unions, the Commission for Racial Equality and indeed many others, individually and collectively. But in the long term, teachers have a crucial role to play. Though they may sometimes weary at being expected so often to put society to rights, the fact remains that education is a powerful instrument when it comes to changing social attitudes. And our conclusions so far leave us in no doubt that the educational system is perhaps the most promising instrument for bringing forward future generations of children who will grow up knowing about the nature of our plural society, about its many minority cultures, as well as about the diverse origins and many borrowings of its dominant, white culture. 'Prejudice', it has been said by Hazlitt 'is the child of ignorance', and teachers have a unique opportunity to dispel present ignorance, and with it, present prejudices. The logic behind the emphasis we have laid on educating all children to this end, and behind the phrase we have used to describe the sort of education we look forward to, namely 'Education for All', will be obvious.

7.3 As we have seen in earlier sections of this chapter, social and economic deprivation, exacerbated in the case of the ethnic minorities by racial prejudice and discrimination on the part of society at large, accounts for a substantial part of school underachievement, where this occurs. But it does not account for all of it. There is a further part, the causes of which must be sought elsewhere. As we have pointed out, a large number of factors have been suggested as being responsible. Moreover, throughout the large amount of oral and written evidence we have had from individuals and groups within the ethnic minorities and elsewhere, a special emphasis has frequently been laid on racial prejudice and discrimination within the educational system, and particularly on the low expectations that teachers may have about the achievement of West Indian children. Disappointingly, research evidence does not, so far, point decisively to which factors are the most important. Rather, as we have said earlier, it points to the complexity of the issues involved, and the likelihood that many different factors are involved. This is not the first time that research and common wisdom have been at odds. Research tends to take a long time to reach a fair degree of certainty, and neither it, nor any human endeavour, can achieve complete certainty. But wherever truth may ultimately seem to lie, all the factors which have been suggested are ones that impinge on ethnic minority children. Teachers, therefore, more than anyone else, have the opportunity to help be it in the way they teach, in their relations with parents and families, and in their relations with minority communities. As James Cornord, one of our members, points out in his perceptive 'Note on Research' (Annex G):


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'Many of the recommendations of this Report are, as it were, acts of faith, based upon experience and commonsense. If, as we hope, they are implemented, they will become hypotheses to be tested to see whether or not they have the good results we expect.'
It follows that our conclusions and recommendations about what schools should do, constitute what we believe to be the most hopeful way forward, in the light of the evidence now available to us. They represent the other half of our conception of 'Education for All', and much of the rest of this report is concerned with suggesting how best this aim can be achieved.

8. Summary of main conclusions

8.1 West Indian children on average are underachieving at school (Section 2). Asian children, by contrast, show on average a pattern of achievement which resembles that of White children, though there is some evidence of variation between different sub-groups (Section 3). Bangladeshis in particular are seriously underachieving (Annex C). Such evidence as there is suggests that of the smaller ethnic minorities, some are underachieving and some are not (Part IV). Averages, of course, conceal much variation. There are West Indian children who do well, as well as Asian children who are underachieving. We discuss possible causes for the difference in average achievement between Asian and West Indian children in Section 6.

8.2 Low average IQ has often been suggested as a cause of underachievement, particularly in the case of West Indians. This has long been disputed, and our own investigations leave us in no doubt that IQ is not a significant factor in underachievement (Paragraphs 4.10-4.14 and Annex D).

8.3 School performance has long been known to show a close correlation with socio-economic status and social class, in the case of all children. The ethnic minorities, however, are particularly disadvantaged in social and economic terms, and there can no longer be any doubt that this extra deprivation is the result of racial prejudice and discrimination, especially in the areas of employment and housing. This extra deprivation, over and above that of disadvantaged Whites, leads in many instances to an extra element of underachievement. A substantial part of ethnic minority underachievement, where it occurs, is thus the result of racial prejudice and discrimination on the part of society at large, bearing on ethnic minority homes and families, and hence, indirectly, on children (Paragraphs 4.15 to 4.22).


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8.4 Not all of underachievement, where it occurs, is to be accounted for in these terms, and the rest, we believe, is due in large measure to prejudice and discrimination bearing directly on children, within the educational system, as well as outside it. We have received much oral and written evidence on this score, referring in particular to stereotyped attitudes amongst teachers as well as other factors, and these we discussed in our interim report. See also Chapter Two and Annex A.

8.5 We have examined the research evidence about racial prejudice and discrimination in the educational system and their effects on ethnic minority children. We can only say that the findings are inconclusive when it comes to deciding which factors may be important (Paragraphs 4.23-4.31). We are left in no doubt, however, that the issues involved are complex and ill-understood, and that much more research is needed if we are to understand the problems. We include a section on future research at Annex G.

8.6 It will be evident that society is faced with a dual problem: eradicating the discriminatory attitudes of the white majority on the one hand, and on the other, evolving an educational system which ensures that aU pupils achieve their full potential.

8.7 In the short term, the first of these problems is a matter for the law, the government, housing authorities, employers, unions, the Commission for Racial Equality, and many others. But in the long run we believe that it is a matter for schools to bring about this much-needed change in attitudes amongst coming generations.

8.8 The second problem is specifically one for the educational system. A start has been made in recent years, but there is still a long way to go before schools bring out the full potential of all their pupils, and in this context, particularly their ethnic minority pupils.

8.9 This dual approach to one of Britain's most serious social concerns, leads us to the concept that we have called 'Education for All' - an attempt simultaneously to change attitudes amongst the White majority, and to develop a pattern of education that enables all pupils to give of their best.


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9. References

1. Figueroa, P (1984). 'Minority Pupil Progress,' in Craft, M: (Ed). Education and Cultural Pluralism. Falmer Press

2. Tomlinson, S (1983). Ethnic Minorities in British Schools. Heinemannn

3. Taylor, M (1981). Caught Between. NFER-Nelson

4. Craft, M and Craft A (1983). The Participation of Ethnic Minority Pupils in Further and Higher Education. Education Research 25.1

5. Tomlinson, S (1983). 'The Educational Performance of Minority Children.' New Community 8.3

6. Tomlinson, S (1983). 'The Education Performance of Children of Asian origin.' New Community 10.3

7. Fogelman, K (Ed) (1983). Growing up in Great Britain: papers from the National Child Development Study. Macmillan

8. Taylor, M and Hegarty, S (forthcoming) Between Two Cultures. NFER

9. Brooks, D and Singh, K, (1978). 'Aspirations Versus Opportunities-Asian and White school leavers in the Midlands.' Walsall CRC and Leicester CRC

10. HMSO (1975) 'Racial Discrimination.' Cmnd 6234

11. HMSO (1981) 'The Brixton Disorders.' Cmnd 8427

12. ILEA Literacy Survey. (1980) London: ILEA

13. Jeffcoate, R (1984) 'Ideologies and Multi-cultural Education.' In Craft, M (Ed). Education and Cultural Pluralism, Falmer Press

14. Jeffcoate, R (1984). Ethnic Minorities and Education. Harper and Row

15. Mabey, C (1981). 'Black British Literacy.' Educational Research 23.2

16. ILEA (1983) Race, Sex and Class: I. Achievement in Schools. ILEA, London

17. Parekh, B (1983). 'Educational Opportunity in Multi-Ethnic Britain.' In: Ethnic Pluralism and Public Policy. (Ed Glazer, N and Young, K) Heinemannn

18. Coard, B (1971). 'How the West Indian Child was made educationally sub-normal in the British School System.' New Beacon Books

19. Rutter, M and Madge N (1976). Cycles of Deprivation. Heinemann

20. Mortimore, J and Blackstone, T (1982) Disadvantage and Education. Heinemann

21. DES (1984) 'School Standards and Spending: Statistical Analysis.' DES Statistical Bulletin 13/84

22. Coleman, J S (1966) Equality of Educational Opportunity. Washington: US government Printing Office

23. Jencks, C (1972) Inequality: a Reassessment of the Effect of Family and Schooling in America. Allen Lane

24. Brown, C (1984) Black and White Britain: The Third PSI Survey. Heinemann

25. Employment Gazette (October 1983 and June 1984)

26. CRE (1984) 'Race and Council Housing in Hackney: Report of a Formal Investigation.' CRE

27. Nash, R ( 1976) Teacher Expectations and Pupil Learning. Routledge and Kegan Paul

28. Thomas, K C (1984) 'A Study of Stereotyping in a Multi-cultural Comprehensive School.' Educational Studies 10.1


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29. Verma, G K (1980) The Impact of lnnovation: An Evaluation of the Humanities Curriculum Project. University of East Anglia Press

30. Verma, G K and Ashworth, B (forthcoming) Ethnicity and Educational Achievement. Macmillan

31. Blatchford, P Burke, J, Farquhar, C Plewis, I and Tizard, B (1984) Educational Research

32. Smith, D and Tomlinson, S (forthcoming) Factors Associated with success in Multi Ethnic Secondary Schools PSI/University of Lancaster

33. Taylor, M and Hegarty, S. Third Review of Research NFER (forthcoming)

34. HMSO (1967). Children and their Primary Schools: Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education in England. HMSO

35. Johnson, D (1982) 'Educational. Research and Development in Britain.' Ed. Cohen, L. Thomas, J and Manion, L. NFER-Nelson

36. Douglas, J W B (1964) The Home and the School. MacGibbon and Kee


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ANNEX A

Achievement and Underachievement: Evidence from Young People of Afro-Caribbean and Asian Origin



Introduction

1. It has to be borne in mind when looking at achievement and underachievement that conclusions drawn from statistical evidence are only one side of the argument. The conclusions drawn in Chapter 3 may offer scant comfort to the individual pupil or parent, who feels the issue acutely as 'what is happening to me (or my child)'. The perceptions of individuals give the human dimension of the argument. While those perceptions cannot be added up and set out neatly in tabular form, they provide a reminder of the expectations held of education by individuals and of the realities they see themselves as having to wrestle with to make sense of their world.

2. We want to consider some of these realities now, in order that as wide an audience as possible has the opportunity to share them and to understand that there is much still to do, if ethnic minority children are to be given a 'fair deal'.

Part One: Evidence from Students of Caribbean and African Origin

1. The quotations which follow are selected from the oral evidence of 18 students brought together by the National Union of Students from universities in different parts of the country and following a variety of degree courses including law, anthropology and education. They had been educated in state schools as far apart as Harlesden and Huddersfield, Birmingham and Croydon, Leeds and Newham. Some had progressed from the lower streams of comprehensives in inner urban areas, others through the A streams of suburban areas where 11 plus selection for grammar schools still exists, and at least one student had attended an otherwise all-white rural school. The value of this evidence, we believe, is that it comes from academically successful students in universities, polytechnics and colleges of education; not from pupils who might be expected to bear a grudge against the education system. These students were particularly well placed to compare their experiences with those of their peers who had not 'made it' in education and to assess the range of factors that influenced their own educational progress. Their perceptions of the reasons underlying 'success' or 'failure' present another dimension of evidence - the human reality behind the statistical research.

2. Headings and a linking commentary are added to group the quotations into some of the many factors raised in the discussion.

I School Factors

a. Experiences of School - The Situation of Black Children

'... I was the only one with a hint of a tint in an A stream in my year and the majority of black children were in the bottom stream ... but why was it that all these black children were in lower classes, there must be something wrong ...'

'The same thing happened with me, I went to a comprehensive ... and ... all the children that passed 11 plus were in the top stream the majority of the black kids were in the bottom two streams and that obviously affects their whole performance through the school.'


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'I also think it affects the children's self-image ... I am a classic example because I was put in a low stream when I started school and when I came first in class I was quite amazed because I thought the teacher was doing me a favour because he liked me. And when it happened on numerous occasions and I eventually reached the top stream, all the time I kept thinking I should be in the bottom stream because I still haven't got that capability because all the black kids up to then were all in the lower stream ... Like on prize-giving I still never got in coming first [in class] any kind of recognition in terms of prise, but I got prizes for sport and dance.'

'... Those children in the lower streams end up unemployed or on the dole and other kids see that and think, well, that's what will happen to me.'

'The type of education that the black kids are given is so limited it is usually in the direction of the arts, that they can never have the chance to become doctors or scientists ...'

'I feel my education is lacking. I have got a whole bunch of O Levels which are all commerce, history, social studies, but no maths no science ...'

'I think that's down to the streaming because when I was at school I couldn't do the science because the sciences were taught to the top groups and all the blacks were in the bottom groups. So your education is restricted in that sense.'

'I feel that a lot of black kids lose out in terms of the kind of science (or) maths teacher they get. I know this is a problem that happens to white kids as well. But since money and prestige in the science department is far greater than in social studies, where most of the black people tend to tail off into. There is a lot lacking in the primary schools towards black kids.'

'You are holding back the black society from going further ... to become part of an industrialised society.'

Asked why Asian children were not associated with low streams and underachievement, one student replied:
'It is expectation again because Asians have always been recognised as having a valid civilisation whereas people from the Caribbean have not, so it is a racial expectation which is different.' ,
There are many comments on teacher expectation of black pupils, and very strong feelings on the teaching of history and the content of the curriculum in history and language, including the selection of books and materials.

b. School Experience - Teacher Expectation and Teacher Attitudes

'People like us who make it through the system ... the teachers will say ... 'But you are different', instead of changing their attitudes about black people they make an exception of you ... They don't make an assessment that ... perhaps we might be a bit wrong about this,'

'... The teachers expect very little of coloured children and that is why they are put in the lower streams.'


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There are several examples in which students had observed, or experienced, different treatment of black children by teachers to that given to white pupils.

'I was in the top set in school but even ... I was excluded from school, and to this day I am not sure why, you see, because I didn't turn out for a voluntary lesson after school or because they said I was rude. I was excluded for a whole week ... I missed all my classes and I stood outside the office, and it was at that time that I realised that some of these children are having a hard time. Because you stand outside the office, teachers pass you and you hear 'This is another rude boy'. You just stand there, you don't have to do anything, you have your lunch and come back and stand there, day after day after day. That sort of thing should not happen.'

'In my sixth form there were a lot of white children who would play truant just as much, the point is that ... they get a letter from their parents, their parents say they were ill or whatever and that letter will go straight through. On the other hand it is always the black child who did it, the point being that you have written this letter and have signed it, and they will probably ring home to see if your parent has agreed to this. It's a sort of suspicious attitude which they show towards you.'

'If you want particular instances, I was sitting in the sixth form once ... white children had truanted - they had missed an entire lecture ... and some black kids had been playing cards during a free period. The ones who had truanted were just told off, the black kids had letters sent home, had threats about what was going to be done.'

There were several examples of teachers' expectations being influenced by pupils' involvement with the police whether or not they had been convicted.
'I think once they get involved with the police ... it creates a bad feeling in school because the teachers reinforce certain ideas they have about black children ... once the police have arrested you they assume you are guilty ... and the teacher will go on that premise that you are a crook, therefore ... you can't be trusted.'

'Yes ... when my brother was picked up he was then accused at school by the teacher for stealing something out of her bag. That was about two weeks after he had been picked up.'

'Yes, when I went to a school to observe, I was in the staff room and one teacher came in and said, "Oh, so and so was causing a lot of trouble - she pinched some one's book, as a joke". So the other teacher said to her, "Oh, you have got to be careful of her you know, she was picked up the other day by the police and she is a bloody kleptomaniac". Already they had labelled her.'

The point was made that teachers' references could make a difference to the outcome of a court case, and an example was given of a reference which had had favourable results. The effects on family life and on schoolwork of being arrested, and on pupils' attitudes to school, were also stressed.
'... if the kids are spending so much time in prison and police custody they have very little time to pay attention to school, I mean that affects them if they think they're going to be hassled - that disillusions them with the whole school system, because often the teachers when they come up to give reports they are going to give "Oh, yes, that kid used to be so disruptive in school and so naughty" - that's just the kind of back-up the kid doesn't need. So it works both ways, the school could help black kids who get into trouble much more. I mean - a lot of black kids get into trouble because they are truanting because often the lessons are so boring, the teachers are not giving them any stimulation ...'

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'My brother and some of his friends were picked up ... and that sort of destroyed the whole family atmosphere for a year and when the court case actually came up the police were unable to come ... hence went another six months ... at the end of it the judge says "I can't see any evidence that these boys did these things, they seem to be reasonably intelligent and respectable boys". And all because they got very good references from school and my mum made a lot of fuss.'
There were examples of the positive expectations of some teachers in contrast:
'I went to a comprehensive school which was quite small, 600, and I went there the year after it opened ... and I was the only black pupil in the top stream. My sister came in the year afterwards. Because I was doing so well, obviously she was going to do well ... and all the attention was put on her. When she got to her A Levels the teacher was taking bets on what grade she was going to get and which university she was going to go (to).'

'... in my first year I had a black form master and his attitude was always to get all the black guys around and counsel us as to our work ... push us forward to work ... all the black boys although we were in the A stream we all came in the first ten ... but we had another teacher, he took us for chemistry ... in the fifth form ... (and) was also my form master, now he wasn't really bothered whether or not we got on, ... he didn't really help us.'

Asked whether there was a need for more black teachers, the students replied:
'Yes we need them in the teaching profession, but we need them as black people not as black in colour ... There is an important difference ...'

'You find a lot of black teachers who go into the school system they end up teaching on the same sort of basis as a white teacher, because they haven't got much choice right, because they are not in a position of authority. That's how they have been trained. When they try to do anything different, they just get called up before the headmaster and he says you are not teaching by our curriculum that we have set out so you have to curb what you are doing. He hasn't much choice if he wants to keep his job ...'

The students had clear expectations of teachers white or black, and additional expectations of black teachers that related to their perception of being black. The effects of schooling on their own identity as black people emerged quite frequently in relation to the curriculum and with reference to parental attitudes.

c. School Experience - Identity, Race and Culture

'... I'm not West Indian, .. but I consider myself black now, and I am half and half. But I made it, absolutely perfectly through the system, through grammar school, 11 plus, university OK ... I personally denied my blackness, because that is how I made it in the system ... I wasn't taught anything about myself as a black child or a child that was not necessarily white, except I was sometimes held up as the nicest token coloured girl. I lived in a nice middle class, country rural area ... It wasn't until I left university and actually faced the reality of going out and getting a job and things like that did I actually recognise that there was something wrong ... I couldn't now go and get a really good job unless it's ... to be a teacher or get involved with the race relations industry, because I am not going to make it in a successful sense as whites are supposed to make it ... and the way I was brought up to think I could achieve.'

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'... in secondary school, ... up to about the third year I was white minded in so far as I didn't know anything about being black and I came to realise when I was about 18 and these guys started throwing these Black books at me and assuming that I knew them, and I didn't and I felt so ashamed. And then it was that I knew that my background and my education had been very limited, because I knew nothing about it. Yet all the time within myself! thought I was very Black, I mean I went to Black parties and none of my friends outside school were white ... I had considered myself Black. Here I was at 18 and didn't know anything about Africa or the West Indies or anything.'
There was quite a discussion on the role that books used in school played in culturally alienating black children:
'also it is a matter of materials, the kinds of books used in primary schools for black children, and the kind of cultural references they have are totally inadequate and alienating for a black child.'

'In a lot of books you will find lovely pretty pictures, but the pictures are white postmen, white businessmen. You never see a black postman, you never read about a black family, you never read about black scientists, black whatever. It is always white. If you can't really identify yourself with something that you are learning then it is going to kill the incentive in you to learn or go further.'

In response to the argument that books are a relatively small influence among the many other influences in society, and that they had succeeded in spite of the kind of books described, the students commented:
'... the books are the first stage of your learning, the primary school plays a big part in what (children) conceive as the society ...'

'... things like Noddy where the little black boy goes and nicks his car, what a terrible little black boy, poor Noddy all sympathy for Noddy because this little black boy comes and nicks his car. All black boys must be naughty, they do bad and terrible things.'

'the kids don't have a choice of the books they look at anyway.'

'Self image is very important and the point is that OK a few people make it through the system, but then you can say OK there will be other factors that have helped us ... but look at the majority of others that haven't.'

'Also you say that we ... have succeeded ... , but I look back ... at the years that I have wasted and that's what makes me really angry ... I could have been learning so much more ... spending hours with things which are totally irrelevant to me and to what I want to do with my life as a black person.'

'It is of special importance to us because we are West Indian but ... why the system should be changed is not just for black people but white kids are getting a biased impression as well; it could help towards a multiracial society, truly multiracial ... to start to understand each other ...'

The students expanded on the way in which the multiracial society is reflected in schools, and their own concepts of multiracial and multi-cultural.
'I'm doing this post graduate teacher training course and we do a multi-cultural education option. And the headmaster has got a school in the North of London and his school is all white ... he said up until recently he didn't see any reason why he should have a

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multi-cultural prospectus, curriculum, there was no reason to. "We haven't got a problem we have got no Black or Asian kids" ... He was seeing the school as a sort of autonomous body and totally divorced from society as a whole, until one day he was walking down the corridor and he heard one of the boys come out with what he thought was a particularly racist comment. And he suddenly thought something has got to be done, because they are going to go into the outside world and ... mix with black people, whether they like it or not. So it is relevant for both black and white children.'

'The problem here is this idea of multi-culturalism which has been brought down from above somewhere and the idea blacks were still supposed to be interested in Rastas, in reggae, and mangoes and coconuts. They do not see the correlation between the other cultures in this country. In terms of Asians, they are here for the same reasons that West Indians are here, they have different cultures but they have a common struggle. That is, multi-culturalism is not recognised, they are recognising the difference but they are not recognising the common struggle which is the problem of housing, education, police and the society. And if teachers were to be sensitive to that I think they could go a lot further ...'

d. Experiences of School - The History Curriculum
'We hear about (our) history as slavery ...'

'... it's like Africa never existed until ... the white man came and civilised everybody.'

'That phrase "the Europeans brought civilisation", that phrase should be cut off, it should never be taught at school, it implies heavily that their ancestors were inferior.'

'... they should be careful what kind of books they have and the use of words like "primitive" and "tribal" and "civilisation", I mean those continue to reflect or give the black , kids inferior concepts of themselves.'

'You want to point out to children really that the black contribution to the world is just as valuable as the white contribution. We just get it from the white angle all the time.'

'... the slant, ... it affects not just blacks but the whites as well. Whites get an inferior sort off eel towards black children. My class at school, and I was at the top of the class, but when we did history and the slave trade, it was embarrassing. I felt as if I shouldn't be there, even though on paper I was as good as the person sitting next to me. It was the slant not so much as the history itself, you know.'

'Exactly, I think the slant of it is very important and ... looking where history books come from and the kind of people that teach them, it goes right through to university level. Even ... where special courses arranged for African history to be taught it was always white ex-colonial lecturers ...'

'... looking at the curriculum as it stands now ... Egypt is in the curriculum for all first years in most of England ... look at the way Egypt is taught and you would get the impression that all Egyptians are white.'

'... If I had put down that the majority of Egyptians in the early stages of the Egyptian dynasty were black in an exam, that would have been marked wrong. So what do I put? That is a denial of my identity.'


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'... nobody ever correlates ... that Egypt was black ... the correlation between African and Egypt, and Egypt and Greece, and in Greece the Western civilisation, and nobody ever makes that correlation that Africa has contributed to the western civilisations and is probably the basis of it.'

'Who is teaching the teachers? My degree was in anthropology and I was taught by an ex-colonialist and it was primitive tribes in the Sudan. It's the university lecturers and the lecturers in the teacher training colleges they are the ones who are teaching ... the teachers and the subsequent lecture lecturers ... so not only is it the course content but it is also the teachers themselves and who is writing the textbooks.'

'If you are looking for people who are going to be creating resources for black people to be using, those people will have gone to those universities and if they have been dealt rubbish like that then the amount of work that they have got to do to overcome that mis-education is massive ...'

'... if there were special courses in African whatever, or West Indian, it must also be introduced into the curriculum when it is valid, and not just something special that black people can have as an option, so that they can take it as an exam and it is a valid piece of paper.'

'And it goes right across the board in things like geography as well.'

'... they are teaching like multi-cultural education but in such a passive way ... it's lip-service to it really.'

'Like yesterday we were discussing language and the fact that language in the classroom can be very racist and sexist ... most of the students could not understand why this lecturer was making such a big deal about ... certain words such as blackmail, ... although they can be taken at this very simplistic level, there are other words which do have much deeper meanings that do affect the self image of the black child. There was so much debate going on ... people couldn't see the implicit assumptions and sometimes the explicit assumptions that are being made by teachers in the type of books they use. You can take the word golliwog which is a figure on a jam jar but when a racist calls you a wog they are not calling you a bottle of marmalade, they are calling you something more, ... yet here were these 200 people who are going on to be teachers and they were totally unaware that there was a problem.'

e. Experience of School - Language and Reading

One student introduced the question of reading as basic requirement for education, and this led to a discussion of the language of West Indians.

'When I finished my O Levels we were helping some of the children to read in class and some of them were black ... one particular child ... was 11 or 12, he had a reading age of 5. As far as I could see, not being a doctor, he wasn't mentally sub-normal ... quite a few of them have passed through the system without being able to read - a basic necessity ...'

'That's dedication on the part of the teachers. Teachers have such an amount of time to spend on each individual child, ... if a child is very slow with reading, the teacher is not going to spend the time in my experience. So it means I couldn't read ... it was in the West Indies. Another teacher went out of her way to show me basics ... now that is what is needed in schools for any child ...'


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'I would also say it's a question of language as well, I mean that West Indian is faced with two dialects which they have to overcome, and sometimes you get a teacher who categorises a child who speaks with let us say a Jamaican accent, or pronounces words in a Jamaican way ...'

'... I had such a low self-image because I had a bad primary school education where I came last the whole time, because I had just come to England and my Jamaican accent was very pronounced and most of the teachers didn't understand me.'

When asked what view teachers should take of West Indian language in school, the students replied:
'... English and speaking it reasonably correctly is a necessary thing, therefore I think that that should be basic, I don't think you should ban patois ... but we live in this country right, therefore in order to succeed it's no good talking patois when you are going for a job and if you are not dealing basically with black people ...'

'I don't think it ought to be denied, I mean if a child starts to speak in the classroom, not on his essay, but in the classroom to the teacher in a Jamaican way or whatever, it shouldn't be put down ...'

'... language is part of the curriculum ... and in terms of dialect in Creole that we speak, in terms of English in the English Department, in my experience I wanted to speak in dialect and I was stopped and dialect should be part and parcel of the curriculum because it is a question of recognising the cultures within the school and how they want to express themselves, and how they perceive themselves ... so if we actually deny the existence of dialect or patois or Creole in school we are denying (the culture) ... and I feel that a lot of teachers feel inadequate in terms of all the cultures that exist in school and they find difficulty in trying to cope with it ...'

'I think in drama you could find patois or Creole could be very effective in the English teacher understanding the West Indian Creole ...'

It was pointed out that parents, in evidence to the Committee, had spoken out very strongly against the use of Creole in the school, and the students responded:
'... they want their children to get through the educational system within Britain ... the only way ... is by becoming as anglicised as possible and that means denying all your sort of cultural connections and that means speaking in a way that everybody else will recognise as standard English ...'

'... it seems to me a sad state of affairs when even in the West Indian home kids are discouraged from speaking patois, I mean my parents they were concerned about getting me through the system. If! broke out speaking patois in the home they'd tell me "No, you have got to learn to speak this way automatically because that's the way people speak to get on".'

'They force white middle class values on you, that's the only way they think you can succeed.'


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II Home factors

a. Parental Attitudes

'One thing we felt was very important is the sort of different attitudes that West Indian parents have to schooling. Like, for instance, in the West Indies parents consider that you should send your child to school and it is the duty of the teachers to teach children ... Therefore perhaps they don't really expect the problems that occur ... like if you are in school here and you are not working, ... quite often teachers just let you get on with it ...'

'... Working class parents, particularly West Indian, put all their trust in the educational system for their children. They think that the teacher will educate the child and we are not really involved in that, we get them to the school, you teach them ...'

'... I had what I reckon to be very good parents who knew the way through the system and were willing to fight for me.'

'... my mother ... knows a certain amount about the system ,and therefore she isn't going to sit down and watch anything happen to any of us. She will go down there and will tell them what's what.'

'If the parents are very very persistent they will get something done, but if the parents don't know the system ... they don't know how to get around it.'

'... I know of two incidents where parents have been told that their children need special schooling, ... in the end it turns out to be an ESN school ... it was put into such luxury language that the parents were totally blinded ...'

Asked about the difficulties of transferring from home to school at the age of five, or pre-school influences, one student commented:
'The thing is that there are certain housing policies which put black people into certain areas, thus they go to these certain schools, that is the point.'

'... you can see very clearly not just in high immigrant areas ... the majority of black kids will be sent to one school ... and white kids go to the other schools and the educational facilities at some schools are decidedly better than the others ...'

'... I know ... you write down on the list of where you want your children to go first, second, third choice. But then if you don't get your choice, well bad luck.'

'The policy of these schools, you see a lot of children do CSEs they don't push O Levels ...'

The students were asked the reasons for their success and mentioned the following:
'In my case it is due to my parents, and in a lot of cases it is due to the child losing its identity as a black child and sitting down keeping quiet, taking everything that is put to him or her ... because their fighting ability has been killed as they grow up. So (they) just do the work. And when they get to the top if they do ... they are only black in face. They haven't tended to look back and to pick up their brothers and sisters, they are only there as a figurehead.'

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'There are some people that just learn to play the game, you realise how it works and you think well, if I want to get on, ... this is how I have got to do it, you don't have to become totally Anglicised ... you don't have to lose all identity, some people do. You don't have to, you learn to switch the system to how you want it. I met a lot of people at university who said, "We are doing this because we want to prove that we are better than the white person".'

'It means you have to work ten times harder if you are not conforming to get through, if you want your own identity you have to work that much harder.'

'... many black students who make it to university make it through evening classes and ... college, not necessarily from the school they went to.'

'Another thing ... a certain number of people would like to get back into the system into education and they find it very difficult to get into it again because of lack of grants. Therefore to do evening classes ... would take a sacrifice on somebody's part and working and trying to support yourself is difficult.'

'You should get data from schools, if you were to ask your headmasters to write down how many blacks go up to university, directly from school ... you will have your data there straight away ...'

'I know teachers know how many blacks there are in the sixth form and how many go to university because there are very few, I was one. They are usually outstanding in a sense because everyone knows them - this is the prise black boy, he will go far, ... so people will remember them.'

'I tend to feel that we are exceptions to the rule therefore it is more important for us to say why we think the others won't make it ... because I had what I reckon to be very good parents who knew the way through the system and were willing to fight for me. I had brothers ... who had been through the system already, had been to grammar school ... to university. You can't hope to make the environment of every child the same as ours was.'

'That's why individual statements from all of us would be useless, because the most important thing is to identify the areas that need to be changed ...'

'We are black, we have made it. We have made it at a loss in many cases or we have made it with a fight and usually since we were young children the fight wasn't ours ... in my case it was my mum, in a lot of cases probably the parents, in a lot of cases probably older brothers and sisters.'

'And it might just be sheer motivation, you might think well I'm going to prove that I can do just as well as the next person ...'

'If you look for a clue or a common factor, you can see that the common factor is self realisation among everyone that the system works against you. And whether that self realisation is given by your parents or your brother, anything, you realise it sooner or later and you work.'

'... we have a pretty realistic attitude to what's going on in society therefore we attempt ... to use the system to our advantage.'


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One thing that the students were quite clear had not been a positive factor in motivating them or influencing their decisions about their future careers was the advice on careers which they had received in school.

'The type of advice I was given by my careers teacher at school ... when I started to become a lawyer was "Work in Woolworths where you can meet people" ... I was so amazed I couldn't be bothered to say anything else to her.'

'I had the same thing, when I went to see my careers adviser I said I wanted to apply to university and before that I had wanted to go to teacher training college and he told me not to run before I could walk, no sort of encouragement at all ...'

'I didn't have (encouragement) to go to university either, I was told to do something like HND or something that would far better suit my ability.'

'... I was leaving comprehensive school and I wanted to go to sixth form college. I was pushed into lots of different jobs - building, welding, car mechanic, ... it just wasn't on that I should go, they felt I should leave and get a job.'

'I think it is that careers officers tend to say to a black person "We all know black people are good with their hands so you find yourself something to do with your hands".'

'I didn't have that experience because ... I just asked him about universities, I didn't bother to ask him anything else because I knew what I was going to do therefore I didn't ask him for any advice.'

'I feel I didn't really want to go to them because I heard so many stories about them like one guy he wanted to be an engineer, and they put him in a factory as a machine operator. And other people wanted to go to university and the careers office just laughed at them. I didn't go ...'

When asked the question 'What would be the main recommendations you would want to see?', the students replied in unison:
'Change the system.'
One student then added:
'That is generally what we want, we want the system changed. Barring that we want the curriculum changed by the schools at a young age.'

'... I wouldn't want positive discrimination in a way that made black kids somehow special, so that they are seen as targets by their white classmates. I mean, that is bad positive discrimination where the two kids are getting on well together. Not problems, not similar to Head Start or the compensatory education ...'

'Like positive discrimination in the sense that you are actively making teachers aware of other cultural things, like that type of positive discrimination - where you actually decide to spend money on educating teachers.'


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Part Two: Evidence from Young People of Asian Origin

1. The quotations that follow are taken from a series of over 200 individual interviews conducted with youngsters in the Leeds/Bradford area, in the course of Dr GK Verma's longitudinal study of ethnic minority adolescents. The quotations are not taken exclusively from interviews with Asian youngsters, although the sex and ethnicity of each youngster accompanies each quotation. We should point out here that the term 'Asian', which is used as a general category in the statistical evidence, can be misleading in view of the widely differing religious, linguistic, social and cultural traditions and the different experiences of the various groups from the Asian sub-continent. The interviews from which these quotations are taken were recorded during the period 1980-83 and were fully transcribed. The perceptions and attitudes displayed in these quotations were similar to the ones given at a number of forums conducted during the course of this Committee's work.

2. These quotations are offered with the minimum of editorial comment but have been set out under three main headings: Home and family, School and (Un)employment/Further Education.

I. Home and family

a. Parental support expectations

i. Indian Boy. 'Well the only reason he (his father) came over was to get a better education for his children. I don't want to let my father down - his sole ambition was to come over here and educate his children because the education in India is non-existent.'

ii. Indian Girl. 'To do well you need a good relationship with your parents - good relationships with the family as a whole. I think if you have got your parents and the family you can face anything in the world. That's my belief.'

iii. Pakistani Boy. 'The only reason anyone comes here is that education is better, it's free and in Pakistan pupils have to cross rivers and walk miles a day. Here there is the luxury of buses. So we come here for education so we can go home and say we have got a qualification and get a job and settle down and that's it. That's the whole point in coming here, I think.' (NB This boy's intention to return home was atypical).

iv. Pakistani Boy. 'Asian parents are really looking towards a good future for their sons, they are the base of the family. Actually the girls do the housework, but it would help if they are educated, but they don't rely as much on them as they do on sons.'

b. Pressures of ethnic minority cultural norms
i. Indian Boy. 'I am proud of being English, but I am more proud of being Indian. I don't agree with my Mum and Dad hardly ever, but if it comes to the crunch I am more Indian than I am English. I think that my kids will be very western but they will never forget their own culture.'

ii. Indian Boy. 'There is the stuff like arranged marriages and so on. I disagree with that, but that doesn't mean that I am totally 100 per cent against it - I am against it 90 per cent but because of my parents you know - like, say you found a girl and fell in love, well I'd ask my parents about it first if I did want to get married.'


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iii. Pakistani Boy. (asked whether he'd seen any changes in the community) 'It just depends on what type of families you look at. 'Cos my Dad gives me more freedom, you know he doesn't care if neighbours say something or talk about something. He sort of argues against them and he sticks up for me, whether I am wrong or right. But the next door neighbours, if there is anything their family does wrong and somebody tells them about it they get really angry. Like my friends, when they see all these ladies and women and all this English sort coming down to our house, they start getting funny ideas about what we are doing.'

iv. Indian Girl. ''I'd do exactly what my parents have done to me because I think it's very important to keep one's culture; to be identified because when you live in a society it's very important to belong to a society. If you don't belong to something, then you are cast out and get lonely and it's very bad for you.'

v. Pakistani Girl. 'I had two interviews with the careers teacher and they asked me what I wanted to do. I said helping old people and nursery nursing and so on. Then they told me to go on work experience. My parents don't allow that, they say work experience is mixed for girls and boys and my parents say it's no good thing being with boys because boys are ... boys are different than girls.'

vi. Pakistani Girl. 'I could have been a nurse - there are girls who take City and Guilds who go to different hospitals in Bradford. But if I took on nursing I would have to wear a skirt which is against my religion. I'd like that very much.'

vii. English Girl. 'Obviously Asians don't get as far as we do because of their families and religions - especially the girls - the girls marry at an early age. Their parents say to them that you should get married and have a family and stay at home. You don't see many Asian women at work as you do English. You tend to see them more with children just staying at home. I think some of them have got used to the English culture. I think they must have felt a lot of resentment.'

II. School

a. Perceptions of their Teachers

i. Pakistani Girl. 'The teacher didn't get on well with me neither, 'cos I was Asian and we only had about two or three Asians in our group. She always picked on us or something.'

ii. Sikh Boy. 'Things which should hold me back in life are being ... because I am Indian, that is a disadvantage. Some teachers have very poor expectations of all Asians.'

iii. Pakistani Girl. 'You try to humour them (teachers) ... they treat you as though you are from another planet or something. If you get on well with them they stop hating you ... but you have got to try first. If you start putting a barrier between them and you, they hate you more, so you have always got to try to be on your best side for them.'


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b. Careers education/advice

i. Pakistani Boy. 'The careers teachers were trying to get me into engineering and forcing me, and they were saying don't stay on at school, it's bad for you, you will never make A Levels and discouraged like hell they did. You really got put off and the only thing that keeps you going is your friends who say 'don't listen to them, you'll do all right.'

ii. Asian Boy. 'Nobody really bothered about the careers teacher, to be quite honest; because what she said was a load of codswallop anyway.'

iii. Pakistani Boy. 'The Careers Officers asked me why I don't want to take up agriculture as my career. He said that my father comes from a rural area of Pakistan.'

iv. English Boy. 'Yes there was a weekly careers. They had a careers teacher there and you had a careers interview. I don't know how often it was, I can't remember. But to be quite honest I thought they were a waste of money, they were no help at all - I suppose to others they may be - but to me they weren't.'

v. English Girl. 'Well there was a careers teacher at school and we used to go and see her about once a week. But every kind of job we said we wanted, she would try and put us off.'

c. Racial prejudice/attack
i. Indian Girl. 'When I was in junior school I never bothered about my colour ... Since I have come to this school I have encountered a lot of racial prejudice and I realised that I was this colour, and it was this colour that was making them so horrible to me.'

ii. Tanzanian Girl. 'Well some people, that's what I don't like, some people are really against you, racialist mostly here (at this school) ... and it's just that I don't like it. It's just people's attitudes ... Being Indian, I think that is a disadvantage.'

iii. Indian Girl. 'One girl in the fifth form, she picked on me and she kept on picking on me every day. I just kept on ignoring her and then she pushed me down the steps. I told the Headteacher and he took her and told her off. She said if you tell the Headteacher again I'll kick you in again. And she kept on doing that to me again. So I told my parents and they went up to school and told the Headmaster.'

d. Teachers' Stereotypes

This section on school would be incomplete if it were to be confined to illustrations of pupils' perceptions. Therefore, the following quotations, taken from interviews with teachers, are presented to offer an illustration of the type of stereotyping of ethnic minority pupils, which some teachers engage in, either consciously or unconsciously. Such stereotyping, as epitomised by these examples, is likely to have an adverse effect on teachers' interactions with pupils, with all sorts of attendant consequences for the latter's educational achievement and, ultimately, life chances.

i. Teacher. 'There is a certain tendency amongst some of them (Asians), to believe that knowledge and ability can be boxed and taken down from a shelf, and the

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ingredients of that box can be put in front of them and all that they need to do is to soak it up, recharge themselves like a battery with academic standing; that's very sad because there's a great tendency to believe among the Asian community - to think sheer diligence is sufficient, and it is not.'

ii. Teacher. 'They (Asians) approach their ambitions with the hopes of obtaining a particular post or particular places, and yet academically they are not bright enough, so that they set their aims too high, and although a school will try very often to indicate this to them, they don't really want to know and therefore they switch off.'

iii. Teacher. 'We have no distinction in this school between pupil and pupil, that's our first objective ... I should have put it - if all the Asians ... evaporated tomorrow, it would not make a scrap of difference to the curriculum.'

iv. Teacher. ' ... the people (Asians) you are talking about, their sons and daughters, finish up in this school in classes which are non-examinations or bottom CSE. They rarely have sons and daughters who are going to be bright GCE candidates, and it isn't the fault of the education system, and it isn't the fault of Western civilisation - it's inherent in life.'

III. (Un)employment/Further Education/Sixth Form?

a. Jobless

i. Indian Boy. 'Now I have been rejected from so many jobs, all I want to do now is get a job. I am asking people what is the fault with me: why can't I get a job?

ii. Pakistani Girl. 'Yes - I feel really funny now,like going down to the Job Centre. I don't even like to meet my friends sometimes because they all know what they're doing, don't they. Look at me, I'm here, I've done nothing really. Before in school I used to be the one who knew everything, but now I feel as though I don't know anything. I don't like to meet them a lot.'

b. Discrimination
i. Indian Boy. 'I remember seeing some of the applicants, and prior to that my Mum and Dad used to say that racial prejudice exists and I used not to believe them because of my friends and the teachers. As soon as I started to experience this situation where I was short-listed and did not get the job, I started feeling sort of rejected and bitter.'

ii. Pakistani Girl. 'You see they offered this work at You know, at school, there were five of us who applied for it. Three Asian girls applied for it, including me, and two English girls. And ... accepted the two English ones and said no to us and I don't think that's fair.'


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c. Do qualifications lead to jobs?

Although a substantial proportion of youngsters interviewed held the belief that better examination results lead to better job opportunities, a number who had left school and found work discovered that academic qualifications were not the only criteria used by employers during employee selection.

i. Pakistani Boy. 'I have been reading all the papers you see. You need experience, you have got the qualifications, then you need five year's experience behind you. Experience is vital really, apart from qualifications as well.'

ii. Pakistani Boy. 'Well, first is that I don't have any experience. Secondly is that they wanted someone who knows about the thing, and sometimes is a matter of age. Sometimes they make you take a test; you might pass or fail. You don't know; but they say you haven't succeeded.'

d. Sixth form or seek work?
i. West Indian Boy. 'A year is quite enough in the sixth form. I don't think I would stop on two years because when you are 18 - they would want experience, and in some jobs it's not brains you want, they wouldn't want you at all. Experience it's experience what counts, in some jobs. And besides, they would want you at 16 if they want brains or such. That's what I think anyway.'

ii. Indian Boy. 'Basically what I am trying to do now is staying on in the sixth form so that people think the lad's not losing interest, and so that when I go for a job I can say 'Well look I am in the sixth form!' I am in a situation whereby I am willing to leave if I am offered a good job, but I'm not going to be too choosy. So I stayed on in the sixth form so as not to be regarded as a 16 year old who had left school with virtually no education. 'Cos people who leave school with 5 O Levels get a job, it is very seldom that they don't, and that is why I stayed on in the sixth form. And also I took A Level economics, history, geography and general studies.'

iii. West Indian Girl. 'I think a lot of people choose the sixth form because of the job situation, because they didn't want to go through the dole and things. I think it's depressing seeing your friends on the dole anyway - you don't want that to happen to you. Stay on, even if it's just for the year. You do it 'cos you think you might as well, because you are not given anything else.'

iv. Pakistani Girl. 'I could have stayed on but you see the way things are with Asian people at school, with girls - they have been baddies at school really. You know, my parents - some people told my parents about girls, how they have been at school. So my parents have got the idea you see, of girls, how they are at school and how they are at home you see. So my parents, that's why they didn't tell me to stay on a bit further with my courses you see. That's why really. It's one of the main reasons.'

v. Pakistani Girl. 'They (her parents) think that you know there's no jobs nowadays for us so they said that you might as well stay on at school and get a higher grade or, you know, get a higher qualification for a better job.'

vi. Pakistani Boy. 'I want a job where my academic effort is valid ... I don't want to be regarded as a shopkeeper; I would do that anytime. If I had known that, I


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could have messed about in the fifth form, no effort whatsoever. And they are in jobs - they are in good jobs - which makes me feel degraded when I stand next to them and yet they have not got any O Levels.'

vii. West Indian Boy. 'Most of my friends who have got jobs are English - well, white - they've got the jobs probably because they are white. 'Cos all my mates who are Asian or Black as it were, they have gone back to sixth form.'

Conclusions

1. It is evident from these quotations that the struggle of young people of Asian and West Indian origin in British Society has many dimensions; it is closely bound up with many social, educational and institutional factors which impose numerous disadvantages. Underachievement may have its origins in the very beginnings of schooling - whether in nursery school or infant school - where preconceived attitudes to children's ability, racist or ethnocentric reading books and the treatment of misdemeanours can give a child a negative picture of himself and his place in the wider world. And these disadvantages become cumulative as the child progresses through the system.

2. The dilemma in which these young people are placed is an extremely difficult one. Their parents have by and large found themselves on the lowest rungs of the ladder of British Society. This has led to great pressure from the family for success in the second generation. Prejudice and discrimination both in school and in the wider society add to this pressure. In order to overcome these adverse factors, many of these young people stressed their determination and need to do exceptionally well in school. But even success in the educational system is not without its problems: it does not necessarily lead to social and economic success, and if teachers' perceptions of ethnic minority pupils often appear to be a hindrance to effective educational practice, the discouragement or suppression of aspirations by teachers and careers advisers may result in a profound alienation between these pupils and the educational system.


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ANNEX B

Results from the School Leavers Survey 1981/82

A Paper by DES Statistics Branch



Introduction

1. This paper presents a summary of the results obtained from the Department of Education and Science's School Leavers Survey for 1981/82 on the educational qualifications, age on leaving school and destination in respect of a sample of children from specified ethnic groups. The survey collects data on the age, sex and numbers of all young people who leave school during a given academic year and, for a 10 per cent sample of such leavers, information relating to their educational (academic) qualifications and their intended destination on leaving school.

2. This latest exercise, presented here, broadly replicates that which was conducted in respect of the School Leavers Survey for 1978/79, the results of which were published by the Committee in its interim report 'West Indian children in our schools' (1). For the earlier inquiry, six LEAs with high concentrations of children from ethnic minority groups who, between them, were believed to account for approximately one half of the school leavers of ethnic minorities in this country, agreed to cooperate with the committee and ask all maintained secondary schools in their areas to complete an ethnicity question contained in the School Leavers Survey questionnaire relating to the 10 per cent sample of leavers.

3. Because of the degree of interest accorded to these results, the Committee asked for the renewed cooperation of the authorities in carrying out a repeat exercise to be conducted under the auspices of the 1981/82 School Leavers Survey. The main teacher unions, local authority association and the Chief Education Officers of the LEAs concerned were again consulted and all but one of the LEAs agreed to cooperate. The results contained in this paper thus relate to five authorities.

4. The response to the School Leavers Survey was again of a high order with approximately 99 per cent of the school leavers from the 5 LEAs being allocated to one of the nine specified ethnic group classifications. As a result, information on qualification and destination was obtained on 1317 Asian, African or West Indian school leavers. The Asian category was composed of five sub-groups: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, East African Asian and 'other' Asian; the last sub-group included children for whom a more precise category was either not appropriate or was not known. None of these sub-groups contained a large number of school leavers and consequently the results for individual sub-groups are subject to considerable sampling error. In general, because of the small sample sizes involved differences between sub-groups in their characteristics are not likely to be statistically significant and therefore the results presented in this paper refer solely to the combined Asian group.

5. The West Indian group contained 653 school leavers and constitutes a group which is referred to in the tables and commented on in the text. The small numbers of African or undifferentiated West Indian/African leavers have been combined with those leavers whose ethnicity was not recorded to form a third, specified, group under the heading 'all other.' The following paragraphs accordingly present results for these three Asian, West Indian and 'other' category groups and compare them individually with, firstly, their combination - which forms a group of all leavers from the 5 LEAs - and with the overall results for all children leaving maintained schools in England for 1981/82.

(1) Cmnd 8273 June 1981


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6. In order to maximise the usefulness of the data collected by both School Leaver Surveys, the results put forward in this paper show the information collected by the 1978/79 survey reworked onto the five LEA basis. Only very small differences have occurred between these summary results and those previously published.

7. A note on the compilation of sampling errors and of the likely statistical significance of any changes in proportion between the results of the two surveys is given in the Appendix to this paper.

Main Results

Age of School Leavers

8. Table 1 shows the percentage distribution by age - at the beginning of the academic year during which the children left school- by sex and differentiated between the specified categories of school leaver. Those aged 15 at the beginning of the academic year are normally in the fifth form and attain school leaving age during that year and those aged 16 are normally in the first year sixth, and so forth.

9. The Table shows that girls, noticeably those from ethnic minorities, are more likely to stay on at school past the school leaving age than boys. Half of Asian school leavers do so after completing at least one year in the sixth form. These results suggest that West Indian children, more especially the boys, increased their propensity to stay on into the sixth form and that for this group they are now almost as likely to stay on to the sixth form as the group formed by the broad range of non-specified ethnic leavers. However, only 12 per cent of West Indian children stay on into the second year sixth, or later, compared with 25 per cent of Asian children and 17 per cent of all English school leavers. For all school leavers from the five LEAs, taken as a group, compared with the average for all school leavers in England, both boys and girls tend to leave school at the school leaving age with less frequency but then to participate to a greater degree in only one more year of study taken in the sixth form. The proportion of children staying on to the second year sixth and beyond is very nearly the same in the five LEAs as it is in England generally.

Destination and Type of Course to be followed

10. Table 2 shows the percentage distribution by destination of school leavers. It shows that only 1 per cent of West Indians went to university compared with 5 per cent of all maintained school leavers.

11. There was a statistically significant increase between the two surveys in the proportions of each ethnic group pursuing some form of full-time further education on leaving school (other than a degree course). This was more marked for ethnic minority school leavers than for other leavers. Asians and West Indian children were much more likely to leave school to follow full-time further education in 1981/82 than were the 'other' leavers within the five LEAs and as compared with all maintained school leavers generally. Accompanying this rise there was an offsetting, and statistically significant, decrease in the proportion of children in all school leaver categories leaving for employment.

12. Whereas 10 per cent of all children in England leave school to a destination not known by their Headteacher, one fifth of leavers from the 5 LEAs exhibit this characteristic. For Asian school leavers, the proportion was 28 per cent.


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TABLE 1 Age of school leavers from maintained secondary schools


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TABLE 2 Destinations of school leavers from maintained secondary schools

Full-time Further Education Courses

13. Table 3 shows the type of course followed by those entering full-time further education. Only 1 per cent of West Indians were intending to enter degree courses in 1982/83 compared with 6 per cent nationally in 1981/82. There were small increases in the number of Asian and West Indian children leaving school to study A Levels as a full-time course. There was a statistically significant increase across all categories of school leavers in the five LEAs in the proportion leaving school to follow courses other than those leading to A Levels or degrees. Approximately 25 per cent of Asian leavers falling within this category were intending to take O Level courses with a further one fifth BEC/TEC courses compared with one tenth of West Indian children respectively.

TABLE 3 Further education courses (full-time)


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GCE O Level and CSE Achievements

14. Table 4 shows the percentage distribution by broad levels of O Level and CSE achievement. It shows that there is no significant difference between the school leaver categories within the five LEAs in terms of the proportion who achieved no graded results but that this proportion is significantly higher, statistically, than the national figure. The major difference between the achievements of West Indians, Asians and other leavers lies in the proportions obtaining five or more higher grades (grades A-C at O Level or CSE Grade 1). Only 6 per cent of West Indian leavers in 1981/82 had obtained this level of qualification compared with 17 per cent of Asians and 19 per cent of all other leavers in the five LEAs. However the increase in proportion for West Indian children between the two surveys is statistically significant.

TABLE 4 O Level and CSE achievement

O Level and CSE Achievements in English Language and Mathematics 15. Tables 5 and 6 show the percentage distributions by broad level of achievement at CSE or O Level in English language and Mathematics. In English language, 15 per cent of West Indians achieve a higher grade pass compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 29 per cent of all other leavers in the five LEAs. These differences are statistically significant. Further, the proportions for the five LEAs are significantly different from the national average. However the table shows that the proportion of West Indian children achieving no graded result decreased between the two survey periods, matched by an increase in proportion achieving higher grades. These changes are also statistically significant.


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16. In mathematics only 8 per cent of West Indian leavers had achieved a higher grade pass in 1981/82, but this represented a statistically significant increase from the 5 per cent that achieved this level of qualification observed in the previous survey. There was no difference between the proportion of Asian or 'other' leavers obtaining higher grades, but this level of achievement was significantly lower than the national average.

17. The proportions achieving lower grade passes, just under half of all school leavers, did not vary significantly between ethnic categories or from the national figure. As a consequence, since only 8 per cent of West Indian children achieved higher grade passes, the proportion achieving no graded result also represented nearly one half of all West Indian school leavers in 1981/82, a proportion significantly higher, statistically, than the proportion of Asian or 'other' leavers.

TABLE 5 English Language (O Level and CSE)

TABLE 6 Mathematics (O Level and CSE)


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A Level Achievements

18. Table 7 shows the percentage of school leavers achieving an A Level pass. 5 per cent of West Indian leavers in 1981/82 compared with 13 per cent of Asians and as compared with the 13 per cent which is the national average figure, obtained at least one A Level pass. The increase in the proportion of West Indian school leavers gaining this level of achievement from that recorded by the previous survey was statistically significant.

TABLE 7 A Level Achievements

Summary of Results

19. Asian children stay on longer at school than other children, and achieve slightly below the national average in overall levels of academic achievement. They exhibit a greater propensity to leave school to follow some form of full-time further education and are only slightly less likely to go to university or sit a degree course.

20. West Indian children, more especially the girls, also tend to stay on at school longer than other children (excluding Asian children). They also tend to go more frequently than the average child from school to some form of full-time education course - but not to university or to pursue a degree course - and to have obtained a lower general level of academic achievement at school.


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APPENDIX

Sampling Errors

1. The information contained in the paper is drawn from the School Leavers Sample Surveys for 1978/79 and 1981/82 for five LEAs with high levels of ethnic minority school leavers. Because the data was not collected from a random selection of LEAs in England no probability statements concerning the characteristics shown by ethnic minority school leavers in England as a whole can be made from the sample. All statements in the text refer solely to the characteristics shown by the sample of ethnic school leavers within the purposively selected LEAs and all comparisons between sub-groups are subject also to this limitation.

2. Because the data was collected through a sample survey (approximately a 10 per cent sample), the proportions shown in the tables are subject to random sampling error. The effect of this is that a difference between estimates obtained from the sample and the 'true' population value being estimated can be expected. (Here the population is limited to the leavers from the five LEAs for the reason given in paragraph 1). However, since the sample was randomly drawn, confidence limits within which we would expect the 'true' population value to lie can be calculated and hence a probability statement regarding how likely it is two sample estimates reflect different population values can be made. The method by which this is achieved, together with an example, is demonstrated at paragraph 4.

3. It is usual to present confidence limits of the population value at the 95 per cent level. This means that it is expected that the 'true' population value lies outside the range given by the confidence limits on average only once in twenty times. Other confidence limits are equally possible; narrower limits, e.g. 90 per cent, indicating a reduced degree of belief that the smaller range will encompass the 'true' value, and wider limits e.g. 99 per cent indicating that it would be expected that the 'true' value would lie outside them on 1 per cent of occasions. Where the term 'statistical significance' has been used in the text, 95 per cent confidence limits have been used but this does not imply that other limits are inappropriate.

4. The variance in simple random sampling of attributes is denoted by pq/n where p represents the proportion of the sample exhibiting any desired characteristic, and q represents the proportion who do not exhibit this characteristic i.e. q = 1-p, and n is the sample size. The standard error of the sample estimate is denoted by the square root of the variance, namely:

In order to test whether the sample proportions from two samples (e.g. Pa and Pb) are 'significantly' different then the standard error of the difference in proportion is calculated and compared with the actual difference in proportion between the samples. That is;

where Po is the pooled estimate of proportion from the 2 samples of assumed common population proportion,

By calculating the standard error of the difference in proportions and by dividing the actual difference by this factor provides an estimate of how likely it is that the sample estimates reflect a difference in the appropriate population values.


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5. For example, from Table 4 consider the proportions of West Indians achieving 5 or more higher grade O Level/CSE passes. From the 1978/79 survey sample size is 718 and proportion exhibiting characteristics is 3 per cent and from the 1981/82 survey sample size is 653 and proportion exhibiting characteristic is 6 per cent. Hence, standard error of difference in proportion is:

A difference between the estimates of proportion exceeding (1.96 x 1.1 per cent) = 2.2 per cent would be statistically significant at the 95 per cent level of confidence. Since the actual difference in proportion is 3 per cent it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the proportion of West Indians achieving 5 or more higher grade O Level/CSE passes between the two surveys.


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ANNEX C

THE EDUCATION OF BANGLADESHI CHILDREN IN TOWER HAMLETS

A Background Paper by the Education Officer, Inner London Education Authority

A General Background

1. Although Tower Hamlets has received immigrants from Bangladesh (formerly East Pakistan) for many years, the arrival of Bangladeshis in significant numbers dates from the early 70s. Initially, almost all those who came to Tower Hamlets settled in the western part of the Borough, mainly in the Spitalfields area. Despite the gradual increase in the number of Bangladeshi children admitted to the primary schools serving that area, there was no real pressure on school places at that stage. Declining school rolls throughout Tower Hamlets ensured that there were generally sufficient places for these children in the schools nearest to where they were living. By the mid-70s the school population in a small number of schools in Spitalfields had already become predominantly Bangladeshi.

2. Up to 1975 the majority of the children of school age coming to Tower Hamlets from Bangladesh were of secondary age, mainly teenage boys who came to join older male relatives already settled and working in the Borough. Most of these new arrivals attended the one secondary school serving Spitalfields. From the mid-70s onwards, however, the pattern of immigration began to change, with more and more of the men already here being joined by their wives and younger children. Since most of these families settled in the western part of the Borough, pressure on places in those primary schools which already had most Bangladeshi pupils became increasingly evident and difficulties in placing children occurred more frequently.

3. Although there were alternative schools with vacancies in adjoining areas fairly close to Spitalfields, Bangladeshi parents were clearly reluctant to send their children other than to the nearest schools to their home. This was perhaps not surprising bearing in mind that the children did not speak English, had only just arrived from Bangladesh from a rural community and often had no previous experience of school. In addition, there was evident fear on the part of the Bangladeshi community of women and young children being subjected to harassment and physical and verbal attack on the way to and from school. Some alternative schools - often little more than half a mile from their homes - involved journeys through areas which were viewed by the community as 'hostile territory' or involved crossing busy major roads, especially frightening for women and children who had no previous experience of an urban environment and of heavy motor traffic.

4. In the past three years more and more Bangladeshi families have been rehoused in other parts of Tower Hamlets outside the Spitalfields area and the number of schools which have admitted increasing numbers of Bangladeshi children has correspondingly grown. The recent language survey (June 1983) indicated that pupils for whom English was a second language, the majority of whom are Bengali speakers, represented 80 per cent or more of the roll in 6 schools and more than 40 per cent of the roll in a further 21 schools. Although the heaviest concentration of Bangladeshis remains in the western part of Tower Hamlets, the community is now settled in significant numbers both in the centre and eastern parts of the Borough.


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5. The Bangladeshi community is affected by racism in many ways. Some of these are quite outside the responsibilities or powers of an education authority. The areas where the ILEA does have responsibility are to do with the security of Asian pupils from various forms of harassment and abuse in school; with ensuring equality in the employment and promotion of staff from this and other minority groups; with the attitudes and low expectations teachers sometimes have towards the educational potential of Bangladeshi children and towards the quality and validity of Bengali culture. The authority's initiative on multi-ethnic education and racial equality throughout the ILEA area is a positive move to make major changes both structural and attitudinal to improve the position.

B Language/Communication/School Placements

1. Many of the Bangladeshi children in primary schools and a growing proportion of those entering secondary schools, speak a Sylheti variety of Bengali, but relatively little English. The 1981 Language Survey showed that Tower Hamlets had 3,200 Bengali speakers, which was 15 times as many as the average number in the other divisions. Tower Hamlets also had 1,530 children who were complete beginners in English. Twenty per cent (2,440) of all the pupils in the division were either at the beginner or intermediate stage in their mastery of English. The average for the other divisions was six per cent. The great majority of the pupils at these early stages of English learning are Bengali speakers and are in schools in Spitalfields and adjacent districts. Over twenty schools in this area have a majority of Bengali speakers and several have over 90 per cent.

2. Very few staff, whether teaching or non-teaching, in schools with a large proportion of Bengali speaking pupils actually speak Bengali themselves. This linguistic disparity greatly impairs the quality of communication in the classroom and other forms of communication, such as liaison with the parents, which are essential to the running of successful schools. Hence the major thrust and concentration on language within the authority's initiatives in this area.

3. One of the major obstacles in dealing with the placing of children in schools has been the difficulties encountered by schools and the Education Welfare Service (EWS) in communicating with members of the Bangladeshi community, for the most part non-English speaking. In recent years efforts have been made to recruit Bengali speakers to teaching and non-teaching posts in schools and to posts in the EWS. In May 1981 a Bengali speaker was recruited as an interpreter for the EWS in Tower Hamlets and subsequently an Asian Team, comprising a Senior Education Welfare Officer, 3 Education Welfare Officers and a team clerk - all Bangladeshis - was established. In addition a further 3 Bengali speakers have also been recruited to the basic EWS posts in Tower Hamlets and a second interpreter post, already authorised, will shortly be filled.

4. The addition of these Bengali speakers has ensured that the EWS is able to give more support to the Bangladeshi community in Tower Hamlets. However, school placements still remain a critical issue, because of the demand from the community for places in a relatively small number of schools, which are generally full and because of the mobility of the Bangladeshi community. There are no institutional means by which EWS can know of children out of school: they are dependent for this information on parents presenting themselves at the school of their choice to request a place. In these circumstances and especially bearing in mind the very short stay of some families at their first address in Tower Hamlets, the task, of following up children out of school is a particularly heavy one. The figure of primary children 'out of school' known to EWS is about 100 at anyone time, although the majority of these will be very recent arrivals. There remains, nevertheless, a number of children who remain out of school for at least a term because of the refusal of parents to consider suitable vacancies in alternative schools and where negotiations between EWS and the families are inevitably protracted.

5. Although there are sufficient secondary school places overall, there have nevertheless been some difficulties in placing pupils, particularly those who arrive in Tower Hamlets during the course of the school year when the number of schools with vacancies in the appropriate year


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group may be very restricted. Additionally the demand for single-sex schools, especially for girls on religious grounds has resulted in some pressure on girls-only schools and has led to a situation where the sex balance in some mixed schools has become distorted.

C Growth of Pupil Numbers and Provision of Additional School Accommodation

1. As the pressure on primary schools increased from 1978 onwards as a result of the continuing, growing immigration from Bangladesh, action was taken by the authority to make extra places available, particularly in Spitalfields and the adjoining area south of Commercial Road to meet the needs of the Bangladeshi community. The additional places have been provided by:

(a) bringing into use existing spare accommodation;

(b) releasing accommodation on primary school sites by relocating other educational users;

(c) the minor adaptations of buildings or the provision of hutted accommodation.

2. Despite these measures there have, nevertheless, been considerable problems in the past 2 years, in meeting the wishes of many Bangladeshi parents, who generally remain reluctant to agree to their children going to other than the nearest school. There is no longer scope for providing further extra places in the existing schools in Spitalfields and the area to the south of Commercial Road. In the light of the continuing demand for primary places in these areas and of future roll projections, new schools are now being planned for the western part of the Borough.

3. As far as secondary schools are concerned there has not been the same pressure on places. Overall there are sufficient secondary places available to meet current needs, bearing in mind that it is accepted that secondary pupils will normally travel further to schools.

4. The following points are important when considering the provision of additional school accommodation:

(a) Primary Schools

(i) Reluctance of Asians to travel
Asian mothers are reluctant to take their children any distance to school. This is of critical importance in the planning of primary school provision in areas like Spitalfields in that the planning has to be based on a smaller area than would normally be the case. The Department of Education and Science normally require LEAs to calculate the basic need for primary school places on a three mile radius. Experience in Tower Hamlets is that Asians will travel less than ¼ mile if the journey involved is through what they consider to be an unsafe area. This means that a detailed knowledge of the relevant geographical and social factors is essential in order to ensure that the school accommodation needs of the Asian community are met. The willingness of the Department of Education and Science to consider a relaxation of normal requirements in recognition of the particular needs of the Asian community in this respect has been welcomed.

(ii) Need for small group spaces
Non-English speaking children need more intensive teaching in small groups and this has accommodation implications. A recent brief for a new 210 place primary school includes 4 small group rooms each of 12m2. In addition existing buildings are being examined with a view to providing extra small group spaces in schools with a large number of Asian children. Care needs to be taken that the small group rooms are quiet and in the design of new accommodation generally. Architects


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need to ensure that the children will feel secure. Infant play areas, for instance, need to be well protected and segregated from the more boisterous juniors whilst being closely linked to the infants' classrooms.

(iii) Size of classes
The Authority normally bases primary school planning on class sizes of 30. In open plan schools or in small schools which lack small group spaces, class sizes of 30 are not considered adequate for teaching non-English speaking children. In assessing the capacity of primary schools in Spitalfields, class sizes of 25 rather than 30 are used for those schools with a high proportion of non-English speaking children. This gives a capacity for the schools in Spitalfields of 1,105 compared with 1,470 by conventional planning methods, thus illustrating the considerable extra space requirements for the teaching of non-English speaking children.

(iv) Sanitary provision
Separate boys' and girls' toilet facilities need to be provided for infants as well as juniors in schools with a high percentage of Asians as well as separate boys' and girls' changing areas.

(b) Secondary Schools

The most important consideration is the marked preference amongst Asians for single-sex schools particularly for girls. This needs to betaken into account in planning secondary school accommodation in Tower Hamlets.

D Resourcing of Schools' Curriculum and Language Needs

1. In addition to the language factors in the curriculum referred to above, there is a need to change aspects of the curriculum as well. At present most Bangladeshi children study a school curriculum that has not been designed with them primarily in mind. This is not to imply that Bengali children or children of any other ethnic group, should follow a curriculum that is unique to them; nor that Bangladeshi parents are asking for anything special or separate for their children. Nor is it suggested that teachers and lecturers in schools and colleges have not already made many adaptations, both in the content and in the linguistic presentation of the curriculum. But the Authority recognises that there is still much to be done to ensure that the school curriculum engages adequately with the social reality and the cultural strengths of Bangladeshi children's lives. Much work is actively in hand.

2. The additional needs of the Bangladeshis in Tower Hamlets have been recognised in the resourcing of schools. Although the basic resourcing of all schools is roll related, additional resources are allocated according to needs, determined by the Authority's primary and secondary school indices (which place schools in a ranking order on the basis of a number of measures of deprivation, e.g. fluency in English, ethnic family background, free meals eligibility, large families, one parent families, parental occupation, mobility, behaviour and by the Language Survey (which records the number of pupils for whom English is a second language (E2L) and the stages of pupils' language development). From 1983, indices have been altered to include for the first time a specific E2L measure which has resulted in a further shift, within overall allocations, of resources from parts of London with fewer E2L pupils to divisions like Tower Hamlets with high numbers of E2L pupils. In terms of teaching posts, Tower Hamlets had an additional 60 full time equivalent special needs posts for primary and secondary schools for 1983/84 over the allocations for 1982/83 (the 1982/83 allocations, in turn, showed an increase of 57.2 posts over the allocation for the previous year). Since the cash allocations to schools under the Authority's Alternative Use of Resources Scheme (i.e. money which can be used to purchase additional teaching or non-teaching staff or capitation items) are based on roll and schools ranking in the primary and secondary schools indices, Tower Hamlets schools overall received more than 250,000 additional resourcing for 1983/84 in real terms over the allocations for 1982/83. The following table shows the level of English fluency of Bengali speakers:


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English fluency of Bengali, Gujerati, Punjabi and Urdu speakers (percentages)

Age in yearsNot fluent in English*
BengaliGujeratiPunjabiUrdu
5 and under96.986.387.483.8
693.273.679.269.2
789.567.370.861.0
886.756.864.350.8
986.953.561.052.7
1080.946.655.442.1
1174.440.447.642.4
1277.136.243.833.6
1370.228.625.227.7
1473.727.635.627.1
1574.021.226.322.5
16+36.517.117.318.1

*Pupils in primary and secondary schools only - nursery and special schools not included.
(Taken from the 1983 ILEA Language Survey.)

E Tower Hamlets Initiative

1. Conscious of the need to improve education support to the community in Tower Hamlets the authority made provision in its 1983/84 Budget for a major new initiative. This was seen as having two main objectives:

(a) To link the process of education to the needs of families and young children, providing increased opportunities for learning English language skills, developing mother tongue teaching and involving the parents in the education of their children.

(b) To provide increased opportunities for young people and adults, through in-service training and curriculum development support for work in E2L and mother tongue teaching, piloting skill-based courses in mother tongue, developing general access courses and in partnership with local youth organisations, making a significant extension of youth provision.

2. A Project Co-ordinator was appointed, to ensure that there was full and speedy consultation with the local community. The Authority encouraged members of the local community in the establishment of a body (Bangladeshi Education Needs in Tower Hamlets - BENTH) to articulate their own needs for discussion in a joint body with elected members of the Authority on which they enjoy full voting rights.

F Careers and Unemployment

1. The needs for early identification of potential E2L candidates in secondary schools is a major factor in Careers Service work as it has far reaching effects on employment prospects. Even the highly qualified are less likely to find employment if English is their second language. Sometimes accent rather than command of the English language constitutes a handicap.

2. There is a need to develop language tuition for the older teenager. Since many Asians do not arrive in this country until the teens and may have sporadic attendance at school the problem persists into adulthood. As a result, language is a major obstacle to effective Careers Service work. Although the authority has both Asian careers officers and support staff there are none who speak Bengali or more particularly the Sylheti dialect. This hampers good communication with some youngsters and even with parents. To help in overcoming this language problem certain careers service literature is printed in Asian languages.


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3. The absorption of young leavers into the extended family and family business reduces the number of unemployed registered with careers offices. The size of the unemployment problem is thus hidden and the extent of under-employment becomes immeasurable. Female unemployment is almost entirely hidden with many young Asian women becoming isolated within their traditional cultural role in the home. The traditional approach to finance, with money set aside for dowry and/or higher education is breaking down as funds are diverted to support growing unemployment throughout families. Girls in particular tend to suffer because of this.

4. While Bangladeshis suffer from the same problems as other Asian groups, they also face added difficulties. As a generalisation, fewer attain the better academic qualifications normally expected of Asian youngsters as illustrated in the following table:

Achievement in Public Examinations (1981/82)

An analysis of a sample of school-leavers in ILEA shows marked differences in the achievements of the Asian groups. The numbers are relatively small and have been divided into two broad categories comprising the following groups:

Lower:

not entered
no grades
one or more CSE grades 4 or 5
Higher:
one or more CSE grades 2 or 3 or O Level D or E
one to four CSE grade 1 or O Level A to C
five or more CSE grade 1 or O Level A to C
Percentages achieving in the two groups are:

IndianPakistaniBangladeshiAfrican
Asian
Other
Asian
Lower916792420
Higher9184217680

5. There is a high absentee rate from interviews at school with careers officers. The explanation appears to be that many return to Bangladesh for extended stays, while some are believed to be working on family contracts, usually in the garment trade, restaurants or shops. Those who do find jobs outside the traditional openings are often restricted to unskilled manual jobs (of which there are fewer and fewer available) as they are hampered by language.

6. While language seems to be the biggest disadvantage in employment it is equally true to say the cultural differences in the Moslem community create the severest problems for Asian girls.

G General Comment

As full ethnically based statistics of pupil performance do not exist, it is difficult to assess Bangladeshi pupils performance as compared to pupils from other ethnic groups. Nonetheless, it would be unrealistic to claim that Bangladeshi pupils in this area generally leave school for example with exam results comparable to those of their indigenous peers. That is not surprising as a substantial number of those factors which are generally accepted as adversely influencing educational performance are present in relatively extreme forms in Tower Hamlets. In addition, the length of time spent by pupils from Bangladesh in schools is often quite short and even those pupils who have been in primary schools before transferring to secondary have often had their schooling considerably disrupted by extended 'holidays' in Bangladesh. Many 'new arrival'


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entrants to secondary schools from Bangladesh have had no formal schooling whatsoever up to that point. These factors are obviously exacerbated by these pupils' lack of competence in English. Statements about 'poor performance' (often allied with claims about how schools are 'failing') tend to be made too readily. This is said in full recognition of the dangers of 'low expectations' of such pupils' performance and without seeking to deny that further special efforts need to be made to help them make up ground on their peers, against the background of their extreme disadvantage. It is in recognition of the need of such special efforts that the authority is taking the exceptional measures shown in this paper.

October 1983.


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ANNEX D

The IQ Question: A Paper by Professor NJ Mackintosh and Dr CGN Mascie-Taylor



Introduction: The Nature of IQ Tests

If a child does badly at school, lagging behind other children in learning to read, being assigned to lower streams or classes, failing exams and finally leaving school at 16 with few if any educational qualifications, it may seem only natural to say that the child was not good at school work, perhaps that he was not academically minded or was just not very bright. We may thus think that we have explained the child's performance at school by reference to his ability or capacity (or lack thereof). And if it could further be shown that the child also obtained low scores on standard intelligence or IQ tests, it might seem that this explanation had been confirmed: science would have documented the fact that the child lacked the intellectual ability needed for success at school.

Even when we are dealing with an individual child, there are reasons for questioning several of the steps in this argument. When we are dealing with large groups of children, the doubts multiply. It has long been known that children from working-class families are, on average, academically less successful than those from middle-class families. (1) Is this really because they are naturally less intelligent? And it has also been apparent for some time that children in this country from certain ethnic minorities tend to perform less well at school than do indigenous children. (2) Is this because they too, as a group, are on average less intelligent?

Even to pose the question will seem repugnant or insulting to many people. But it would be idle to pretend that no one has ever taken such possibilities seriously. In a celebrated article published in 1969, the American educational psychologist, AR Jensen noted that blacks in the USA were not only less successful at school than whites, but also scored significantly lower on standard IQ tests, and concluded that it is 'a not unreasonable hypothesis that genetic factors are strongly implicated in the average Negro-White intelligence difference.' (3) The British psychologist HJ Eysenck is characteristically blunter: 'All the evidence to date' he has written, 'suggests the strong and indeed overwhelming importance of genetic factors in producing the great variety of intellectual differences which we observe in our culture, and much of the difference between certain racial groups.' (4)

There is a whole network of assumptions underlying these arguments, some reasonable enough, others distinctly more questionable. Before considering some of the evidence, it will be as well to make clear what some of these assumptions are. The first, and one of the more questionable, is that there is something called 'intelligence' which can be accurately measured by an IQ test; more especially, that a child's IQ reflects a single capacity or even a set of abilities with which he is endowed by nature and which determines, or sets limits to, what he will achieve at school. The distinction is sometimes drawn between ability or potential, measured by an IQ test, and achievement or performance, measured by school exams.

This is no place for a detailed discussion of IQ tests, (5) and to be brief it will be necessary to be dogmatic. It is important to insist at the outset that an IQ test simply measures a sample of a person's behaviour at a given point in time, what he knows or has learned, how well he can solve certain kinds of problem. But school exams also purport to measure a child's knowledge and what he has learned, and will often test the ability to solve certain kinds of problem (consider a mathematics exam). The distinction between an IQ test and a school exam is not trivial, for the former is more likely than the latter to test knowledge that has not been formally taught at school


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and to require the child to solve problems rather different from any that he may have come across before. But it is a difference of degree, not of kind. An IQ score does not, indeed could not, provide any magically direct insight into a child's intellectual capacity divorced of all he has been taught or learned for himself. It measures his potential only in much the same way that (even if more accurately than) school exams also measure potential. Teachers and examiners assume that an exam result tells them not only what a child has learned, but also how well he is likely to do in the future. Scores on IQ tests will also predict a child's likely performance in other situations - for example how well he will do at school. In that sense, but in no other, they may be said to measure the child's potential.

A common assumption is that an IQ score reflects a child's potential in the sense that it measures a fixed, innate ability. It is true that IQ scores are relatively stable: a child's IQ at the age of 6 or 7 will predict quite well his IQ at 16 or 17. (6) But large changes are quite common. It is also probable that inheritance plays some part in determining IQ. That is to say, it seems probable that some of the differences in IQ observed in the population of the US or the UK are caused by genetic differences between members of these populations. How important genetic factors may be cannot be realistically determined from any available data. The claim of Jensen and Eysenck that no less than 80 per cent of the variation in IQ is genetically caused is not justified on the basis of published evidence, and recent estimates, based on more recent and better data, have given estimates of the order of 50 per cent. (7) But the most reasonable conclusion is that there are far too many problems inherent in all the data to justify this sort of precise, quantitative statement; the safest claim is that probably somewhere between one quarter and three quarters of the variation seen in IQ in most Western societies is due to genetic difference between members of those societies.

Perhaps the most contentious assumption underlying the whole argument, however, is that IQ tests could ever provide a fair measure of the intelligence of children from working-class families, let alone those from ethnic or racial minorities. Devised by white, middle-class psychologists, standardised on white children, validated by their ability to predict performance in white schools, IQ tests, it is argued, will inevitably reflect white, middle-class values, must be biased against other groups, and could not possibly provide a realistic assessment of their abilities. The argument may seem reasonable and persuasive. But it needs examination to disentangle what is possibly true from what is probably misleading. As has been justly remarked, criticising IQ tests 'for reflecting class differences is rather like blaming the weighing machine when it shows an undernourished child to be below weight.' (8) If a child has been deprived of intellectual stimulation or educational opportunity, it is small wonder that his intellectual performance will reflect this fact. An IQ test is no more able to gauge a child's true innate potential regardless of the circumstances of his upbringing than is a pair of scales to measure his true potential weight regardless of what he has been fed. To repeat: IQ tests measure a sample of a child's actual behaviour, what he knows and has learned. Some children may have lacked the opportunity to acquire the knowledge crucial for answering certain questions, just as a starved child may have been fed a diet lacking critical nutrients. To claim that IQ tests are biased is often only a misleading way of making the point that IQ tests measure skills and knowledge which not all children may have been able to acquire; in other words, that differences in IQ scores are partly due to differences in the environmental experiences of different children. But we already knew that.

What is commonly meant by the claim that an IQ test is biased against a particular group of children is that it does not reveal their true intelligence. But if this assertion is to carry any weight, it must mean that the IQ test provides a lower estimate of their intellectual performance than does some alternative measure. Bias is now a relative term. For example, one IQ test might be more biased against, say, children from working-class families than was another IQ test. Psychologists have indeed tried valiantly to construct 'culture-fair' tests which require less specialised knowledge, but no one would seriously argue that there could ever exist a test that


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required no such knowledge at all. Nevertheless there is reasonably good evidence that tests depending heavily on vocabulary produce larger differences between the scores of working-class and middle-class children and between those from large and small families than do so-called non-verbal IQ tests. (9) In other words, verbal tests are, by this criterion, more biased against working-class children than are non-verbal tests. But, contrary to widespread opinion, the differences between the IQ scores of blacks and whites in the US are, at least usually, no greater on verbal tests than on non-verbal tests. (10) Whether the same is true of any differences between West Indian and white children in this country is a question addressed below.

It is, of course, possible that all IQ tests are biased against working-class or black children - by comparison with some other measure. The problem, then, is to find the other measure. An obvious candidate might be performance on school tests or exams. But, again contrary to widespread opinion, there is no evidence that IQ tests are more biased against working-class children either in this country or in the US, or against black children in the US, than are conventional exams or measures of school performance. (11) The question whether they are biased against ethnic minorities in this country is considered below. But for these other groups, where any differences have been found they have almost invariably been in the opposite direction. That is to say, if a working-class and middle-class child have similar IQs, the chances are that the middle-class child will do better on school exams: the IQ test gives the working-class child a higher score than does the exam. Of course, one could argue, this shows only that exams are even more biased against working-class children. In this limited sense, it certainly suggests that by comparison with IQ tests, school exams are biased against working-class children. But that does not tell us whether IQ tests themselves are biased in their favour or against them.

The critic who claims that IQ tests do not give a true measure of the intelligence of, say, working-class children, must find some other, better measure of their intelligence. We have already argued that IQ tests cannot provide any magical insight into a child's true innate potential. There is no reason to believe that any other measure could achieve this miracle. Indeed, those who claim that IQ tests do not really measure intelligence must face up to the problem that is has proved remarkably difficult to find any other test that looks as if it might be measuring intellectual abilities but does not also give results that agree rather closely with existing IQ tests. To this extent, IQ tests, although no doubt very far from perfect, are as good a measure of intelligence or cognitive ability as we have.

Black-White Differences in IQ
With no further preamble, then, let us turn to the question of immediate concern. Children from ethnic minorities do not necessarily do so well at school in this country as do indigenous children. Might this be because they are naturally less intelligent? More specifically, for example, is there any evidence that the average IQ of West Indian children in this country is lower than that of whites? (12)

In the US there has been substantial evidence available for 50 years or more that blacks on average obtain significantly lower scores than whites on standard IQ tests. (13) The difference is usually said to average about 15 points, although it varies considerably from study to study. (14) But this tells us little or nothing about the standing of West Indian children in this country: there have been, not surprisingly, far fewer studies comparing the IQ scores of West Indians and whites in the UK and they go back for not much more than 10 to 15 years. The results of four studies are shown in Table 1. The largest, by Yule, Berger, Rutter & Yule (15) which was published in 1975 (but for which the data was collected about 5 years earlier), obtained scores on non-verbal group IQ tests from approximately 14,000 white and 350 West Indian children in their last year at LEA primary schools. In addition, 105 white children and 100 West Indians were given individual IQ tests. These latter results are shown with the West Indian children divided into those born in the West Indies and those born in this country. It is apparent that the West Indian


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children have lower scores than the whites, although equally apparent that the differences diminish when the West Indian children are born, and therefore receive all their education, in this country. A second, smaller published study, by McFie and Thompson, (16) reported individual IQ scores for a group of West Indian children, aged 5-15 years and a group of white children matched by age and sex to the West Indian sample. The results are very similar, and again show that the longer the West Indian children have been in this country, the better they perform.

The final two sets of data shown in the Table have not previously been published; they come from two large national surveys. The National Child Development Study (17) has provided an exhaustive survey of all children born in a particular week in 1958. There are data for over 10,000 white children and for smaller numbers of various ethnic minorities. At the age of 11, these children were given various educational tests, including verbal and non-verbal IQ tests. The results show that the scores of the West Indian children for whom data are available are significantly lower than those of the white majority, being particularly low for those children resident in this country for less than 4 years. The Child Health and Education Study has provided a similar survey of all children born in a particular week in 1970; the children were given a variety of tests at the age of 10, including four sub-tests from the recently developed British Ability Scales. (18) All but one of the West Indian children identified in the survey had been born in this country, so the results are not broken down by length of residence in the UK. The results show that West Indian children obtained significantly lower scores than white children, but it is notable that the difference is rather smaller than in earlier studies, being less than 10 points on the two main verbal tests (definitions and similarities), just over 6 points on the non-verbal matrices test and only 3 points on the digit span.

There are differences between these various studies, both in the extent to which West Indian children lag behind whites and in whether the lag is greater on verbal or non-verbal tests. Such differences are hardly surprising, for the studies have differed widely not only in the samples of children studied, and the date when they were studied, but also in the type of tests employed. For example, the West Indian children in CHES are doing rather better that those in earlier studies. Their total IQ score of 92.4 is only 8 points below the white mean. This cannot be simply because they were all born in this country (compare their scores with those of the UK-born children in the Yule, Berger, Rutter and Yule study). It may imply that the position of West Indian children has indeed improved in the 10 years since the other studies were undertaken. But it is equally possible that it is the change in tests that is responsible for this apparent improvement. As it happens, the British Ability Scales, unlike the other tests employed in these studies, were standardised on a sample of children that would have included some children of West Indian and Asian origin. Although it does not follow that such children will necessarily do better on this test than on others, it is obvious enough that the only way to find out whether there really have been changes since 1970 in the standing of West Indian children is to administer the same test to random samples of children born in different years over the period between 1960 and 1974. Unfortunately no study has done this.

The differences between the studies reported in Table 1, however, should not be exaggerated. There is also a fair degree of consistency between them. There can be little doubt that on average West Indian children in this country obtain significantly lower scores on a variety of IQ tests than do white children. There is no suggestion that this poor performance is confined to verbal tests, although in three of the four studies it was certainly larger on the verbal than on the non-verbal tests. The overall difference is usually not as large as the 15-point difference said to hold between American blacks and whites and it is considerably smaller than this when the West Indian child has been resident in this country for any length of time. This is not entirely surprising, for there is evidence that blacks from the West Indies are more successful than other blacks in the US (19) It is important, therefore, not to generalise too readily from the American case. Nevertheless, when all is said and done, there is usually still a difference of about 5 to 12 points on a variety of tests between West Indian and white children in this country even when all children have been born here.


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Genetic Interpretations
Given that there does appear to be a real difference between the IQ scores of West Indian and indigenous children in this country, is there any reason to believe that it might be due to genetic differences between the two groups? How could one set about finding the answer to this question? It seems obvious that the only evidence that would be sufficient to prove that black-white differences in IQ, either here or for that matter in the US, were genetic in origin would be the demonstration of a difference in IQ scores between randomly selected groups of black and white children brought up in strictly comparable conditions. Given the nature of American and British societies, the experiment seems hardly feasible. It is difficult to believe that black and white children could ever experience truly comparable environments, and it would always be possible to appeal to some uncontrolled differences in their experience to explain away any remaining differences in their IQ scores. What is striking, however, is that in the three studies that have attempted to approximate these ideal conditions (albeit not very successfully), such differences have been extremely small. Unfortunately, only one of these studies is British. It looked at 4 to 5 year old children living in residential nurseries. (20) At this age, it is important to acknowledge, 'IQ' scores do not predict later IQ particularly well; it is not clear, therefore, whether the several measures taken of the children will have had much bearing on their IQ when they were older. It is also clear that neither the black nor the white children were a representative sample of the black and white populations of this country, since the occupations of their natural parents were more likely to be non-manual than is true of the population as a whole. In other words, the study is very far from ideal. Nevertheless, its outcome is impressive: the test scores of the 30 children, one or both of whose parents were black, were somewhat higher than those of the 24 children who had two white parents.

The two other studies are both concerned with American blacks. One looked at illegitimate children born to, and brought up by, German women, but fathered by American (and a small proportion of French) servicemen between 1945 and 1952. (21) Some of these servicemen were black, others white. This had no effect, however, on the IQ score of the children. The more recent study looked at children brought up by white adoptive families in Minnesota: (22) some of the children had two white natural parents, some had two black parents, some one black and one white. The difference between the IQ scores of the white and mixed-race children was small and statistically insignificant. The black children did have significantly lower scores (approximately 12 points lower) than either of the other groups, and this might suggest a genetic effect. But they had also been adopted at a later age than the mixed-race children and had been with their adoptive families for a significantly shorter period of time before IQ scores were obtained. Moreover, their adoptive parents were less well educated than those adopting the mixed-race children. In combination, as the authors noted, these environmental factors may be sufficient to account for the observed differences in IQ.

All three studies have numerous flaws: the samples are small and sometimes seriously unrepresentative; in the one British study, the IQ scores are questionable; in each case, some or all of the children are of mixed parentage, and in the Minnesota adoption study, the results from the children with two black parents are distinctly equivocal. Nevertheless, these are the only studies that even approximate to the ideal, and on balance there is little doubt which way they point: measured differences in IQ scores between black and white children in the US and between West Indian and white children in this country are probably largely environmental in origin. The data do not compel this conclusion, for they are very imperfect. But there is no other direct evidence to contradict it. So why should anyone have concluded otherwise? Why, for example, should Jensen have argued that the difference in average IQ between blacks and whites in the US is partly caused by genetic differences between the two groups? (23) Although there is no guarantee that his conclusions would apply to the difference between West Indians and whites in this country, they should not, for that reason alone, simply be dismissed out of hand. It is important to see what his arguments are and whether there is any reason to accept them. They are, in fact, largely indirect and amount to the assertion that there are no plausible environmental factors which could account for the observed differences in IQ. In particular, Jensen has stressed three points:


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1. Differences in IQ between American blacks and whites are not just due to differences in 'socio-economic status' (SES), since even when one compares children from families of similar SES, there is still a large difference in IQ. In California, indeed, Jensen has claimed that black children from high SES families have marginally lower IQs than white children from low SES families.

2. The difference between American blacks and whites is very much larger than that observed between whites and other ethnic minorities in the US (e.g. American Indians and Mexicans) who are on average even poorer and hold worse jobs than blacks; while some ethnic minorities (notably people of Japanese or Chinese origin) obtain higher scores than the white majority on non-verbal IQ tests.

3. The difference is not just due to bias in the tests. In the first place, it holds up, and indeed is often greater, on supposedly unbiased non-verbal IQ tests than on possibly biased verbal tests of intelligence. Secondly, Jensen argues, there is no evidence that IQ tests in general are particularly biased against blacks in the US, for they predict academic achievement for blacks just as well as they do for whites.

Whether these arguments are persuasive is perhaps a matter of opinion. They are surely not conclusive, and in the light of the direct evidence from adoption studies cited above, it might be argued that they should be rejected. But that direct evidence was itself far from conclusive and a more sensible response is surely to take Jensen's arguments seriously and consider whether there is any force to them - in particular whether they should be applied to the British case. If for no other reason, it is important to consider what might be the environmental factors that produce such large differences between the average IQ scores of blacks and whites. All too often, environmentalists have been content to mount an onslaught on hereditarian positions, but have refused to accept the obligation to provide any explanation themselves of the observed facts. Such explanations, moreover, may have practical consequences: if it is really true that environmental factors are depressing the IQ scores, and perhaps therefore also the school performance, of West Indian children in this country, a more precise understanding of these factors may help to improve their performance.

The Environment
Little enough is known about the environmental factors that affect IQ in any population - let alone those that might be responsible for differences between ethnic groups or classes within that population. It is known, for example, that differences in IQ are correlated with differences in social class or SES, but many psychologists (Jensen and Eysenck to name but two) have argued that these may partly reflect genetic rather than environmental differences between the classes. It is known that certain demographic variables, such as family size, and other related factors such as birth order, are correlated with IQ, but although these effects are almost certainly environmental in origin, it is not certain just how they are produced. (24)

For our purposes, one critical question is whether differences between ethnic groups may be accounted for by appeal to the same sorts of factors as those supposedly responsible for differences within, say, the majority group, or whether it is necessary to appeal to some unique factors affecting the cognitive or scholastic performance of an ethnic minority. It is perfectly clear, for example, that West Indians in this country and blacks in the US are, on average, poorer and occupy jobs of lower status that the white majority; (25) since these factors affect IQ in the white population, it seems entirely probable that they may also help to explain the lower test scores of West Indian children. There are other, equally well established, differences in their backgrounds. A higher proportion of West Indian that of white families contain only a single parent; a higher proportion of West Indian than of white mothers go out to work; and a higher proportion of West Indian than of white children are looked after by child-minders. (26) Is it not possible that some of these differences are related to, perhaps even cause, the observed differences in the children's IQ scores?


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Jensen's first argument was that differences in IQ between blacks and whites in the US cannot be explained this way. Paradoxically enough, his fiercest critics accept this initial premise, although clearly not the conclusions he draws from it. A number of writers, both in this country and in the US, have rejected all attempts to explain differences between blacks and whites by appeal to the family background of the blacks. (27) Such explanations are said to imply that there is something 'pathological' about black family life or culture, and are seen as no less insulting than Jensen's own suggestion that differences in IQ are genetic in origin. These writers have seen a racist society rather than a pathological family background as the major cause of these differences. Black children are said to lack self-esteem: constant exposure to racial slurs and low expectations (for example from teachers) eventually ensures that black children will live down to these expectations and perform poorly both in IQ tests and in school in general. The argument, in other words, is that there is something unique about the experience of children from some ethnic minorities that is directly responsible for their relatively poor performance on a variety of tests.

That certain ethnic minorities in this country (and in the US) suffer from racial discrimination will probably not be disputed. The question is whether such discrimination has a direct effect on a child's performance in school. An alternative possibility is that racial discrimination is a major cause of the impoverished social circumstances of their parents and affects the children's IQ scores only indirectly, by ensuring that they grow up in the sorts of circumstances that contribute to a low IQ score in the indigenous majority also. In what follows, therefore, we shall attempt to see first, how far differences between blacks and whites can be accounted for in terms of the sorts of environmental factors that are thought to affect IQ in the white population; secondly, whether any of Jensen's other indirect arguments have any force when applied to the British case; and finally, whether there is any evidence to support the argument that racial discrimination provides a unique factor directly affecting the IQ scores of black children in this country.

Class and family background
Jensen's first argument was that black-white differences in IQ are not simply a consequence of differences in SES, for high-SES blacks actually have rather lower scores than low-SES whites. Equating for SES, he has claimed, reduces what is otherwise a 15 point or greater difference in IQ by no more than 2 or 3 points. (28) This is consistent with data surveyed by Shuey in 1966: (29) from 13 studies undertaken between 1921 and 1964, she concluded that the average difference in IQ between blacks and whites of similar SES was 12.80 points. But many of these studies are too flawed to be taken seriously: the attempts to equate socio-economic status were frequently crude and clearly unsuccessful. (30) Moreover, Shuey also analysed a further 14 studies carried out between 1922 and 1958 which had looked at blacks and whites living in similar neighbourhoods, and found that the average difference was now reduced to 8 points. And there are other more recent American studies which have obtained results wholly at variance with Jensen's claim and Shuey's summaries. In one large and careful survey carried out in Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore, (31) individual IQ tests were given to a total of over 15,000 black and white children from either high or low SES families: differences between blacks and whites of similar SES averaged between 4 and 6 IQ points - considerably less than the 9 or 10 points separating children from the high and low SES backgrounds.

Much the same appears to be true in this country. The data from the National Child Development Study, shown in Table 2, reveal a 15 point difference between West Indian and white children in total IQ. But, as can be seen, this difference is immediately reduced to 11 points by adjusting for the fact that a very much smaller proportion of West Indian than of white children have fathers with non-manual jobs (the actual proportions are shown in Table 3). Table 2 also shows the results of a second British study by Grace who gave IQ tests to 11 year old indigenous and West Indian children attending the same, inner-city schools, and therefore approximately equated for the neighbourhood in which they lived. (32) It is clear that the difference in IQ scores is very much less than most of those shown in Table 1.


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Father's occupation and neighbourhood are hardly the only factors known to be related to a child's IQ. If equating black and white children on variables as simple as these has such an effect on the difference in their IQs, it seems possible that a more comprehensive attempt to match them for potentially important environmental variables might well reduce the difference to quite trivial proportions. And so it has seemed. (33) Two studies published over 10 years ago found essentially no differences between the IQ scores of West Indian and white children when some of the more obvious disparities in social circumstances between them were reduced or controlled. (34) Their results are also shown in Table 2. Houghton studied 5 year old West Indian and white children living in a decaying city centre, attending the same schools and with similar nursery school experience. All but two of the West Indian children had either been born or lived at least two years in this country. Although the average IQ scores were low, the difference between the two groups of children was trivial and statistically insignificant. Bagley deliberately selected West Indian children from relatively advantageous backgrounds, by excluding those whose father was absent or unemployed, those with three or more brothers and sisters or living in crowded conditions, and by requiring that the child should have attended British schools since the age of 5 (the children were 7-10 years old at the time of the study). He matched the 50 West Indian children so obtained with 50 English children in terms of age, sex and father's occupation. As can be seen, both groups of children had slightly above average IQs, with the West Indians doing very slightly better.

Neither of these studies is very large and their conclusions should not necessarily be accepted without question. In Houghton's study, for example, the children were only 5 years old at the time of testing, and one can wonder about the social composition of a white population left behind in a decaying city centre. Bagley's West Indian children were an admittedly highly selected and unrepresentative sample. In order to obtain more evidence on this crucial question, we have undertaken analyses of the National Child Development and Child Health and Education studies whose summary data were shown in Table 1. Although neither study contains particularly large groups of West Indian children, they have one virtue almost unique in this area. The children were selected, on the sole basis of the date of their birth, from the entire country. They constitute, therefore, a reasonably representative and, for our purposes, randomly chosen sample of the population. Both studies, moreover, provide information on the child's family and social circumstances and thus enable one to form some idea of the relationship between social circumstances and test scores. There are numerous factors besides parental occupation that correlate with IQ scores in the white samples and in terms of many of these factors West Indian children can be said to suffer disadvantage. Our analyses suggest indeed that, much, although by no means all, of the original differences in overall IQ between West Indian and white children can be accounted for in terms of a relatively small number of social variables.

A measure of the social disadvantage suffered by the West Indian children is shown in Table 3. (35) In the NCDS sample, for example, a significantly higher proportion of West Indian than of white households contain four or more children, occupy crowded accommodation that involves sharing basic amenities and suffer from serious financial problems; West Indian fathers are more likely than white fathers to have manual rather than non-manual jobs or to have been unemployed for part of the preceding year, and more families have no male head. In the CHES sample, not surprisingly, data are not always available for exactly the same set of factors, but as can be seen from the table, West Indian fathers are still more likely to have manual rather than non-manual occupations; West Indian families are larger and poorer than white families, more likely to have no male head, and to live in inner cities or council estates.

In each study, all of the factors listed in Table 3 are significantly related to children's IQ scores in the population as a whole and are likely therefore to be related to the average difference in IQ scores between West Indian and white children. Many of them, of course, tend to go together: other things equal, households with large numbers of children are more likely to be overcrowded; unemployment tends to produce financial difficulties. It is obviously inappropriate therefore to


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add the contribution for each factor independently. But the statistical technique of multiple regression allows one to take account of the effect of one variable having made allowance for that part of its effect which it shares with other variables.

The results of a series of multiple regression analyses of the NCDS and CHES data are shown in Table 4. The data are broken down by sex and by type of IQ score (verbal and non-verbal in NCDS and the four sub-tests in CHES), and for the NCDS data there is a separate analysis for those children who had been in the UK for four years or more. Several points are immediately apparent. When the factors listed in Table 3 are taken into account, the differences between West Indian and indigenous IQ scores are considerably reduced, although they are not completely eliminated. Moreover, this general conclusion covers a great deal of variation within and between each of the two studies.

In the NCDS analyses, differences of over 10 points in both verbal and non-verbal IQ between West Indian and indigenous males are reduced to differences of less than 5 points; in the case of females, however, the residual difference, especially in non-verbal IQ scores, is considerably larger. If the analysis is confined to those children who had been in the country for four or more years before being tested, all these differences are reduced without much change in the general pattern. In the CHES data, the original unadjusted differences between West Indian and indigenous children are rather smaller than in the NCDS data, at least for the matrices and digit span tests. And the regression analysis, although accounting for a somewhat smaller proportion of the overall differences, thus leaves rather smaller residual differences, at least for these tests. The differences between the sexes that was so apparent in the NCDS data have essentially disappeared in the CHES data - indeed girls do rather better than boys on the matrices test.

Another way of looking at the effect of these social variables, and one that takes advantage of the very much larger number of indigenous than of West Indian children in these studies, is to select individual white children who match individual West Indian children in terms of the factors listed in Table 3. Thus if a particular West Indian boy lives in a household containing more than four children, has a father with a manual job who has been unemployed for part of the past year, has attended more than two schools etc, one searches for a white boy in the sample with the same set of characteristics. We have undertaken such an analysis for both the NCDS and CHES samples. In neither case is it in fact possible to find matches for all West Indian children for whom complete data were available (an indication, perhaps, of the discrepancy between the social circumstances of West Indian and white children). In NCDS it was possible to match only 50 of the 72 West Indian children; in CHES, 77 out of 92 children were matched. In NCDS, the average total IQ score of the matched indigenous children is only 5.6 points greater than that of the West Indian children, a difference that reduces to 5.2 points if the analysis is confined to the 40 West Indian children who entered the country before the age of 7. In CHES, the difference in total IQ between the West Indian and matched indigenous children is only 2.6 points.

These various analyses show that it is possible to account for a significant proportion of the difference in IQ scores between West Indian and white children. But in no case was the difference completely abolished. This may cast some doubt on the generality of the conclusions suggested by the Houghton and Bagley studies shown in Table 2. It may even suggest the possibility that the differences unaccounted for by the analyses must be of genetic origin. One immediate problem with that conclusion is to decide which, if any, of these differences is to be accepted. The suggestion that there is a residual core of genetically determined difference in the intelligence of West Indian and white children hardly prepares one for the way this difference varies in such a capricious manner from less than 3 points in some cases to nearly 10 in others. If one were to argue, for example, that non-verbal tests provide a potentially less biased measure of intelligence than verbal tests, then in the CHES data at least, the residual differences in the digit span and matrices tests were small and statistically not significant.


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There are, however, rather more general reasons why the conclusions that can be drawn from a multiple regression analysis of this sort are strictly limited. It is obvious enough that large-scale surveys will probably neither identify all the social and environmental factors that can affect IQ (why should they be only social, economic or demographic?), nor measure the ones that have been identified very precisely. It is entirely possible that the residual differences in Table 4 could be reduced yet further by including more variables in the regression analysis. For example, in the NCDS sample, one additional factor that has a highly significant effect on IQ scores is the teacher's rating of the child's 'social adjustment'. West Indian children obtain significantly lower ratings than white children, and when this factor is included in the analysis it reduces the residual differences in Table 4 by between 2 and 3 IQ points. Similarly, in the CHES survey, children were asked to complete questionnaires designed to measure the extent to which they attributed success or failure to their own efforts (or lack of them) or to external factors beyond their control. Here too, there were significant differences between the scores obtained by West Indian and white children, and since these scores were related to IQ scores in the sample as a whole, their inclusion in the regression analysis again reduces the residual differences in Table 4 by anything up to 2 points.

If this suggests that Table 4 may be overestimating the importance of genetic factors, there are equally good reasons for supposing that it might underestimate them. It is one thing to show that differences in IQ scores between two groups are related to differences in social circumstances between them. But is is quite another matter to show that the differences in social circumstances cause the differences in IQ. The discovery of a correlation between the two variables does not prove that one causes the other. Consider, for example, the effect of the teacher's assessment of a child's social adjustment in the NCDS data. Low ratings of social adjustment go with low IQ scores, and West Indian children obtain lower ratings than do white children. Have we therefore identified one cause of the difference between West Indian and white IQ scores? It is not difficult to think of other explanations of the observed pattern of correlations. Perhaps, for example, some teachers are inclined to label children as maladjusted (a euphemism for behaving badly in school) simply because they are West Indian. The label does not cause a low IQ independently of skin colour. It is simply a reflection of skin colour and in itself irrelevant to IQ.

There is, moreover, reason to believe that genetic factors contribute to differences in IQ within the white population. Perhaps, then, unfortunate social circumstances do not cause a low IQ; they are themselves a consequence of a genetically determined low IQ. The possibility that such genetic effects contribute to the observed correlation between social circumstances and IQ cannot be dismissed. But the importance of this contribution depends, among other things, on one's guess as to the heritability of IQ in the population as a whole. There is good reason to believe that this may be very much less than the figure of 80 per cent espoused by Jensen and Eysenck, and this would mean that the genetic contribution to the correlation between social circumstances and IQ was unlikely to be of overriding significance. Its importance, moreover, is likely to be greater for some circumstances than for others. Parental education, for example, is correlated with a child's IQ score, but it will also be related to the parent's own IQ score, and parent's IQ is surely the one factor most likely to be genetically related to a child's IQ. But parental education was not one of the variables entered into these regression analyses. Father's occupation was, of course, entered and both Jensen and Eysenck (in common with many other psychologists) have argued that differences between occupations or social classes are a consequence of genetic differences in IQ. They may be right, although it is worth insisting that there is virtually no direct evidence to support this assumption. And it does not take much imagination to see that the reason why many West Indian adults hold poor jobs is at least as likely to be discrimination on the part of the employers as genetic inferiority on the part of West Indians. (36)

The importance of the analyses shown in Tables 2 and 4, therefore, does not lie so much in the absolute size of any residual, unexplained difference between West Indian and white scores. In some cases, that difference remains quite large; in others it has vanished completely. But it is impossible to be certain whether the role of social factors has been underestimated, because the


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analysis failed to measure all relevant variables, or whether their importance has been overestimated, because the analysis included factors which themselves reflect genetic differences. The real importance of these analyses is that they suggest that there are indeed social circumstances which predict a significant proportion of the difference between average West Indian and white IQ scores and that they are exactly the same as those which predict differences within the white population. This simultaneously undermines both Jensen's position and that of his sternest critics. It cannot disprove a genetic hypothesis, but when combined with the direct evidence considered earlier it makes it even less likely that genetic factors are an overriding cause of black-white differences in IQ: whatever may be the case in the US, it is simply not true to claim that no known environmental factors can account for more than a small fraction of the difference between West Indian and white IQ scores in this country. And since the factors which have been identified are those that contribute to differences within the white population, there is that much less reason to believe that there is something unique about the experience of West Indian children in this country which causes their low IQ scores. If racial discrimination is responsible for their poor performance it seems more likely that this is due to its effects on their parents' social circumstances.

Comparison with other ethnic minorities
Jensen's second argument was that the poor performance of American blacks on IQ tests cannot be attributed to their social circumstances, since other ethnic groups such as Mexican immigrants or American Indians, who are even more impoverished, obtain higher IQ scores. Without examining this claim in more detail, it is worth asking whether there are relevant comparisons to be made between West Indian children in this country and children from other ethnic minorities.

The second major group of recent immigrants to the UK has been that from the Indian sub-continent. If only because of the obvious problems raised by their not all speaking English as a first language, there has been for a long time a concern for the educational attainment of their children. But evidence becoming available in the mid-1970s suggested that, although they might find considerable initial difficulties, these children rapidly adapted to British schools and performed relatively well on standard tests of reading and mathematics, as well as on public examinations such as CSE and O Levels. (37) There is rather less information available on their performance on IQ tests, but Table 5 shows the results of two earlier studies, along with analyses of the NCDS and CHES surveys. (38) Yet again, there is considerable variability from one study to another, but some common trends can be discerned.

The most notable conclusion is that length of stay in this country has a very marked effect on performance. In the three studies where data are available, there is a striking and consistent improvement in the scores obtained when children have been resident in this country for a reasonable length of time and, presumably, have received most of their education here. This is as true for a supposedly 'culture-fair' test like Raven's Matrices as it is for verbal tests. The second impression is that children who have been long resident in the UK usually obtain scores well within the normal British range. In several cases, indeed, there is essentially no difference between the scores obtained by long-resident Asian children and those of indigenous children. The most serious exception to this generalisation is to be found in the CHES data where children from Pakistan obtain consistently low scores, and both Indian and Pakistani children do particularly badly on the two verbal tests (definitions and similarities). (39)

The CHES data suggest that earlier complacency about the performance of Asian children may have been somewhat misplaced. As a comparison with Table 1 will reveal, these CHES data show that Pakistani children do not obtain average scores any higher than those of West Indian children, and even Indian children are not consistently better. In this, they contrast rather strikingly with data from the NCDS survey, where long-resident Asian children scored some 8 to 10 points above the West Indian children. It is not at all easy to say why this might be. The number of long-resident Asian children in NCDS is very small and they may have, by chance,


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been an unrepresentative sample. This does not seem entirely likely, for the NCDS data agree tolerably well with those of the other studies shown in Table 5. It should also be remembered that CHES and NCDS employed quite different sets of tests, and that the two studies tested the children at slightly different ages (10 in CHES and 11 in NCDS). The possible importance of the former factor should not need emphasis: this is not the first time that we have seen differences between various groups come and go depending on the type of test employed. Although there was only a one year difference in the age at which children were tested, it is conceivable that this might have been important. There is evidence that both Indian and Pakistani children may improve by comparison with West Indians between the ages of 8 and 12. (40)

A final possibility is that the social circumstances of Asian immigrants have changed over the 12 years separating the two studies. There is some evidence to support this. The data for the NCDS sample have been analysed by others. (41) In terms of the sorts of factors considered in Table 3, the families of Asian children born in this country were substantially more advantaged than those of West Indian children and did not suffer by comparison with indigenous families. The CHES data tell a different story. Although there are some differences between Indian and Pakistani families, the general tendency is for both groups to resemble West Indian rather than indigenous families in terms of the proportion of fathers in manual occupation, number of children in the family, family income, free school meals and neighbourhood. The actual proportions are shown in Table 6. (42)

The importance of these factors is suggested by the results of a series of regression analyses, similar to those undertaken on the West Indian data, whose results are also shown in Table 6. The effects of these analyses are in general more marked for Pakistani than for Indian children, since their social circumstances are in general poorer. From having started with scores lower on average than those of the Indian children, the Pakistanis often end up, after the regression analysis, with slightly higher scores. But the more important comparison is with the West Indian children whose results were shown in Table 4. By and large, the two Asian groups produce a pattern of results very similar to that observed in the West Indian case. The regression analysis significantly reduces the gap separating all three groups from the indigenous majority, and although the residual differences for the two verbal tests remain considerable, those for the digit span and matrices tests are small and statistically insignificant. The only notable departure from the West Indian results is that the sex difference observed in the matrices scores in West Indian children is reversed: in the present case it is the males, rather than females, who do better. One could speculate about the cultural factors that might be responsible for this difference, but in the absence of further data it would remain speculation. It does not, however, seem likely that the difference reflects any genetic, sex-related differences between the different ethnic groups.

Two conclusions can perhaps be drawn from this discussion. First, there is some suggestion that children of Indian and Pakistani immigrants may no longer be obtaining higher test scores than those of West Indian immigrants, and if true this might be because their social circumstances are no longer as markedly superior as they used to be. This must be a tentative conclusion, to be regarded with considerable suspicion unless it can be confirmed by other, larger surveys. Secondly, however, one can assert with some confidence that the comparison of West Indian and Asian children in this country provides little support for the sort of argument proposed by Jensen on the basis of his comparisons of blacks with other ethnic minorities in the US. The present comparison suggests that where there is a difference in the IQ scores of West Indian and Asian children, there is also a demonstrable difference in their social circumstances. Where their circumstances are similar, there is no significant difference in measured IQ. There is no evidence for the combination of superior IQ and poorer circumstances which Jensen claims to find in his American comparisons. (43)


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Test bias
Jensen's final argument was that the poor performance of American blacks on IQ tests cannot be due to bias in the tests themselves. The argument rests on two claims. The first is that blacks, unlike other minority groups, obtain low scores not only on possibly biased verbal IQ tests, but also on less biased non-verbal tests such as Raven's Matrices, sometimes indeed performing even worse on the latter than on the former. The second is that there is no reason to accept that IQ tests are in general biased against blacks for they predict school achievement as well for blacks as they do for whites. Indeed, he has argued, if there is any difference it is that IQ tests overestimate the scholastic attainment of blacks. The relationship between IQ and school performance among ethnic minorities in this country raises a number of wider issues which it will be more convenient to discuss at a later point in this paper. We can anticipate one of the conclusions of that discussion here by noting that the picture is on the whole fairly similar to that reported by Jensen for the US. By and large, IQ scores do not seriously underestimate the performance of West Indian or Asian children at school. In some cases, the reverse is true.

This is worth noting, but it may not be sufficient to establish the conclusion which Jensen wishes to draw. The fact that blacks do at least as badly at school as their IQ scores would lead one to expect may prove that IQ tests are not more biased than are other measures of school achievement. But it is surely possible that both sets of measures might be biased against blacks. It is this possibility that Jensen seeks to dispute by arguing that in the US blacks perform badly not only on verbal IQ tests which clearly require knowledge of the majority culture, but also on a variety of non-verbal or 'culture-fair' IQ tests which, it is to be supposed, do not require such knowledge.

The argument will not convince everyone, for it rests on the unproven assumption that because a particular IQ test employs non-verbal, diagrammatic and abstract material, it no longer requires culturally specific knowledge or skills. Jensen's favourite example of such a test is Raven's Matrices. But two of the studies reported in Table 5 show differences of between 10 and 20 points on this test between Asian children who have and those who have not resided for any length of time in this country. The ability to solve abstract non-verbal problems may depend as much on education and experience of a particular type as does the ability to answer questions about the meanings of English words. It is only a rather simple-minded view of intelligence and of differences in cultural tradition that could blind one to this possibility.

But it is not necessary to rely on these general arguments. The question at issue is whether there is any evidence that West Indian children in this country, unlike other ethnic minorities, obtain low scores not only on verbal but also on non-verbal IQ tests. As usual the data are fragmentary and somewhat less clear than one might wish. But the answer they suggest is surely no. In the two previously published studies shown in Table 1 (Yule, Berger, Rutter & Yule; McFie & Thompson), West Indian children obtained rather higher scores on non-verbal than on verbal tests, regardless of their length of stay in this country. In the one previously published study shown in Table 5 (Ashby, Morrison & Butcher) Asian children resident less than 4 years in the UK obtained higher non-verbal than verbal scores, but those here more than 4 years obtained slightly higher verbal scores. The only two studies that permit a direct comparison between West Indian and Asian children are the National Child Development and Child Health and Education Studies. The former found no difference between verbal and non-verbal IQ scores in either group. In the latter, both groups did better on the non-verbal matrices test than on the two main verbal tests (and best of all on the recall of digits).

Relative performance on verbal and non-verbal tests clearly depends on the precise tests employed. The most common result appears to be for ethnic minorities to obtain lower scores on verbal tests, a finding entirely consistent with the suggestion that they are more biased than non-verbal tests against minority groups. But the difference is neither large nor consistent. And there is certainly no suggestion that it is confined to Asian children. If recently arrived in this


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country, such children will often not speak English as a first language (if at all). It would hardly be surprising if they were at a particular disadvantage on verbal tests. The fact that there is no good evidence of any difference between the relative performance of West Indian and Asian children on verbal and non-verbal tests, therefore, provides striking disconfirmation of Jensen's supposition that blacks necessarily differ from other ethnic minorities by scoring poorly on both kinds of test. (44)

Conclusions
We have considered the three types of indirect argument put forward by Jensen to support his claim that the difference between black and white IQ scores in the US is probably largely genetic in origin, without finding much reason to accept that any of them applies to the case of West Indian children in the UK. First, it turns out to be quite easy to find social and environmental factors that account for a significant part of the average difference between West Indian and white IQ scores in this country. Secondly, there is no evidence that West Indian children obtain lower IQ scores than other ethnic minorities suffering from comparable levels of social and economic deprivation. Finally, there is no reason to suppose that West Indian children differ from Asian children in the pattern of their scores on verbal and non-verbal tests, for both tend, if anything, to obtain rather lower scores on verbal tests. If non-verbal scores are taken as the less biased measure of intelligence, the differences between both minority groups and the indigenous majority are often quite small. The implication of this indirect evidence, then, is much the same as that of the direct evidence considered earlier. If there are genetic differences for IQ between various ethnic groups in this country, they are likely to be extremely small.

Racial discrimination
It is time to turn to Jensen's critics, to those who have argued that the poor performance of black children on IQ tests cannot be attributed to their family background, but would rather lay the blame directly on their experience of a racist society. As we have already seen, to the extent that social variables related to differences in IQ within the white population are also related to differences in IQ between West Indian and white children, it is unnecessary to appeal to factors unique to the experience of West Indian children to explain their low IQ scores. If racial discrimination is affecting their test scores, it must be doing so indirectly through its effects on the social status and circumstances of their parents.

In practice, however, the regression analyses reported above did not completely abolish the differences in IQ scores between West Indian and white children, but left some sizeable differences unaccounted for. It is possible that some of these further differences are due to the direct effects of discrimination on the children themselves. It is certainly not unreasonable in principle to suggest that the attitudes of a hostile and contemptuous white majority have so affected the self-confidence and ambitions of West Indian children that they are unable or unwilling to succeed in school or obtain high scores on IQ tests. The question is whether there is any evidence for this.

The first requirement of any comprehensive account of ethnic differences in scholastic performance is that it should be able to explain why children of Asian origin by and large do better than those of West Indian. (45) On the face of it, the suggestion that the Asian community in this country suffers less racial discrimination than the West Indian might seem hard to defend. But it is obviously necessary to distinguish between different forms of discrimination: our present concern is with attitudes towards the intelligence of an ethnic group, not whether they are attacked in the streets by hooligans. And there can be little doubt that teachers have markedly different views of the abilities of Asian and West Indian children - as the following unguarded remarks show:

'West Indians are boisterous and less keen on education than Asians. This is well known obviously.'

'They are slower than Asian children - not as bright.' (46)


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It is, of course, one thing to show that many people, including perhaps many teachers, believe that West Indian children are unlikely to succeed at school. It is a rather different matter to prove this attitude is the cause of their relatively poor performance: it is conceivable after all, that teachers' attitudes are no more than an accurate reflection of the fact that West Indian children do, as a matter of fact, tend to perform less well than others.

Teachers' expectations
But the suggestion that the attitudes of society at large and of teachers in particular may have deleterious effects on the performance of West Indian children is quite plausible. Intuitively, one can readily see how constant denigration, whether overt or more subtle, might sap a child's confidence in his own abilities and cause him to fail. And the suggestion has the backing of received, or at least of popular, psychological opinion. The notion of the self-fulfilling prophecy was given wide currency by Rosenthal and Jacobson's study, 'Pygmalion in the Classroom'. (47) Rosenthal and Jacobson claimed to have shown that children's IQ scores could increase dramatically if their teachers were led to believe that a special test administered to all children in class had identified these particular children as 'late bloomers' due to show a marked spurt. Although the study has achieved widespread fame, most of those who have examined it closely have remained unconvinced. (48) The increase in IQ scores occurred in only two of the six grades tested (that is, in only 19 children). The IQ tests were administered by the teachers themselves rather than by a trained tester - leading one to wonder who was fulfilling the prophecy. And some of the scores obtained, which ranged from zero to 300, must mean either that it was not being administered properly or that the test itself was an absurd one. Moreover, although several ingenious and better-controlled studies have established quite clearly that a teacher's expectations can have a significant effect on a child's general performance, no subsequent study has replicated Rosenthal and Jacobson's finding that IQ scores can be so affected. (49) This is an important conclusion, for it suggests that although one might be able to blame teachers' attitudes for the generally poor school performance of West Indian children, it is less likely that such attitudes are responsible for their low IQ scores. And to the extent that IQ is related to school performance, of course, this in turn suggests that prejudice is in fact unlikely to be the sole cause of their poor school performance.

This conclusion is based on the failure of several, no doubt somewhat contrived, experimental studies to demonstrate a direct effect of teachers' attitudes and expectations on their pupils' IQ scores. It is possible, of course, that the attitudes towards West Indian children actually held by teachers in British schools and the expectations they develop are both subtler and more powerful determinants of their pupils' performance. All one can say is that there is relatively little direct evidence that convincingly establishes such an effect. Measured IQ scores may be rather less malleable than is sometimes supposed. Certainly, in the US, there is now a considerable body of evidence to contradict the common assertion that blacks obtain low scores on IQ tests because they are tested by white testers. Although a few studies have found that children obtain higher IQ scores when tested by an examiner of their own race, others have reported exactly the opposite result, and the majority have found no difference either way. (50)

Motivation and self-esteem
But there are still other possibilities. A person's performance on an IQ test can be significantly affected by his attitudes and motivation. There is evidence from the US that blacks and whites alike obtain lower scores if they are too anxious (they may also perform less than optimally if they are too relaxed and do not take the task seriously). It would hardly be surprising if some black children perceived some situations as more threatening than white children do. They might therefore feel too anxious in a situation where white children are performing at their best. But although these effects are sometimes statistically significant, they are rarely large, and invariably insufficient to eliminate differences between black and white children. (50) One can only conclude that if this sort of factor really is important in the real world, then it has not been


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satisfactorily captured in the artificial setting of an experimental study. That is not, perhaps, too surprising, but it follows that it is only an act of faith that allows anyone to assert that 'test anxiety' is the real cause of blacks' poor performance.

Anxiety is not the only motivational factor which has been thought to contribute to poor performance. It has been suggested by some writers in this country that West Indian children lack confidence in their own abilities, have low expectations or, in psychological jargon, poor 'self-esteem'. More particularly, it is possible that West Indian children who do badly at school have especially low self-esteem. One study identified a group of West Indian children whose scores on standardised reading tests were as good as those of white, middle-class children, and showed that their family background and attitudes were markedly more independent, self-reliant and indeed hostile towards white society than were those of other West Indian families. (51) Unfortunately, the two groups of families also differed in social class, the former being distinctly more middle-class than the latter, and it is at least possible that other attributes of middle-class family life were responsible for the superior performance of their children. Another study reported that differences in self-esteem between West Indians and whites were confined to boys: West Indian girls were as self-confident as their white counterparts. (52) It is sometimes claimed that West Indian girls do better at school than boys - and even that they achieve higher scores on IQ tests, but there are numerous studies which have found no such effect, and some which have not confirmed the original differences in self-esteem. (53)

The evidence is far from persuasive, and the picture looks even less convincing when other studies are considered. It has been shown that West Indian children born in the West Indies may have higher self-esteem than those born in this country. (54) But we have seen that it is the latter group who score higher on IQ tests and do better at school. There is some evidence that increases in the proportion of immigrant pupils in a school may improve the self-esteem of immigrant pupils, but no evidence that it will improve their scholastic record. (55)

It is not even clear that West Indian children in general have lower self-esteem than whites. Some studies have shown such a difference, others the reverse. (56) The numerous conflicts in evidence in this area of research may reflect genuine differences in attitude between different groups: attitudes may well have changed, for example, over the last 20 years; some West Indian children, in some circumstances, may well be more self-confident than others placed in different circumstances. But one suspects that part of the problem may arise from the ill-defined nature of the concept of self-esteem.

Even if the relationship between measures of self-esteem and IQ or scholastic performance were very much clearer than they are, we could still not assert that low self-esteem had been shown to be the cause of poor performance. Once again it might simply be a reflection of that performance. The child who, for whatever reason, is doing badly at school may well be inclined to agree with such statements as 'I'm not doing as well in school as I'd like to' or 'I often get discouraged at school'. These are two of the items to be found in the most widely used self-esteem inventory.

Very much the same could be said about attitudes to school itself. It seems probable that children who are successful at school might also like school more than those who are not. This would not be surprising but would hardly prove that their success was caused by their favourable attitude. In fact, there is little reason to believe that West Indian children do have particularly unfavourable attitudes to school. Certainly, their parents commonly show significantly more interest in, and concern for, their children's education than do white parents of comparable socio-economic status. (57) And there have been several reports showing that West Indian children themselves express attitudes to school at least as favourable as those held by indigenous children. (58) As we shall show below, they obtain rather more total CSE and O Level passes than indigenous children with comparable IQ scores or in comparable social circumstances, and it is possible that this partly reflects the greater value they place on school achievement.


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Changes in performance over time
Although it seems entirely plausible to suppose that a child's IQ score and performance at school should be affected both by his own attitude to school and by his teachers' attitudes towards him, it is difficult, particularly in the case of IQ scores, to find evidence to prove that such an effect is operating to depress the achievement of West Indian children in this country. There remains one further line of evidence that may bear on this issue. It has been suggested that West Indian children, unlike those from other ethnic minorities, fall progressively further behind their white contemporaries as they go through school. What starts as a relatively small difference between the various groups at the age of 7 or 8 it has been claimed, increases, in the case of West Indian children, to a much larger difference at the age of 12 to 16. Such a failure to keep pace with their contemporaries would suggest that West Indian children suffer from some environmental disadvantage: an obvious possibility is that this disadvantage is the prejudiced attitude of school and society. If there were widespread evidence of such a relative decline in the performance of West Indian children, therefore, this might strengthen the case for believing that they suffer from discrimination, for example at the hands of their teachers, and that this discrimination is one factor directly contributing to their poor performance. In fact, the evidence, particularly in the case of IQ scores, is far from convincing.

One recent study, widely reported in the press, is said to have shown that 'West Indian children are failing in school to such an extent that their intelligence scores go into a sharp decline between the ages of 8 and 12'. (59) This is a remarkable interpretation to put on the findings actually reported. At the age of 8, the IQ scores of West Indian and white children from the same schools were 98.3 and 106.7 respectively, while at the age of 12 they were 98.7 and 107.8. There is no suggestion that West Indian IQ scores have declined and the gap between them and white children has increased by a trivial 0.7 points. The claim that they have declined is based on the results of a somewhat misleading regression analysis which also included data from Indian and Pakistani children in the same schools. These children, although initially doing no better than the West Indians, did indeed show striking gains in IQ scores, of 10 and 8 points respectively, from the ages of 8 to 12. Their inclusion means that, on average, children with low IQ scores at 8 had higher scores at 12 and it is, in effect, by comparison with this average that West Indian children are being said to show a decline. But this decline appears to be only by comparison with Asian children, who are making striking gains (the importance of which has already been alluded to) not by comparison with whites. (60)

The results of an analysis of scores obtained on tests of reading by children in the Inner London Education Authority are also said to show serious evidence of a progressive decline by West Indian children. (61) Indigenous children obtained scores of 98.1 and 97.8 at age 8 and 15 respectively, while the comparable scores for West Indian children were 88.1 and 85.9, a decline of 2.2 points and an increase in the gap between indigenous and West Indian children of 1.9 points (Indian and Pakistani children showed gains). Here the decline is real, if small, but once again it is increased by a statistical analysis which is said to show that the increase in the gap at age 15 is really as large as 3.7 points. (62)

Comparison with the ILEA data can be obtained by analysing the scores on reading tests given at age 11 and 16 in the National Child Development Study. Here the gap between West Indian and indigenous children is 14.3 points at age 11 and 14.1 points at age 16. The size of the gap is somewhat larger than in the ILEA data, presumably because there the indigenous children scored about 2 points below the national average. But there is no suggestion that West Indian children are falling further behind their white contemporaries. This may, of course be partly because some of the decline occurs before the age of 11 (this is certainly true in the ILEA survey). But it is also possible that the statistical analysis of the ILEA data has exaggerated the extent of the decline. If that is true, then the overall picture, from the relatively small number of studies available, is one of, at most, relatively trivial declines in West Indian performance over time.


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There is little justification, particularly in the case of IQ scores, for the claim that West Indian children fall seriously further behind their white contemporaries as they progress through school.

It was difficult, if not impossible, to find convincing evidence that the school achievements, let alone IQ scores, of West Indian children in this country are adversely affected by such psychological factors as their attitudes to school, society and themselves, or directly by society's or their teachers' attitudes to them. The fact that West Indian children do not appear to fall seriously further behind white children in school as they grow older, although surely welcome in itself, tends to undermine one final possible reason for accepting this explanation of their relatively poor performance. It does not, of course, prove that such an explanation is wrong. The idea that a child's achievements at school, and perhaps even his IQ, could be affected by psychological factors is by no means unreasonable. It is surely more unreasonable to suppose that the only environmental factors to affect IQ should be economic and demographic - just because there are the variables most readily measured in large-scale social surveys. But the fact remains that the evidence for other, more psychological factors is almost totally lacking.

IQ, Social Circumstances and School Performance
The question which we originally set out to answer was whether differences in school performance between indigenous children and those from any ethnic minority should be attributed in whole or in part to differences in their natural intelligence. Although children from some ethnic minorities certainly obtain, on average, lower scores on standard IQ tests than do indigenous children, we have found rather little reason to believe that this reflects genetic differences for intelligence. On the contrary, such differences in IQ scores as we have found are clearly related to the same sort of differences in social circumstances that are associated with differences in IQ among the indigenous majority. If we could show that children's IQ scores were related to school performance in much the same way whether they are white, West Indian or Asian, the implication would be that any differences between groups in school performance were also related to differences in their social circumstances.

IQ and school performance
How well do IQ scores predict the school performance of children from ethnic minorities? The question is, in part, one concerned with potential bias in IQ tests. If it turned out that IQ scores seriously underestimated the performance of which, say, West Indian children proved capable in school, in the sense that a West Indian child with an IQ of 90 did very much better in school than a white child with the same IQ score, this would imply that IQ tests were biased against West Indians. In the US, Jensen has claimed, there is no evidence that IQ tests are biased against blacks in this way. What is the position in this country?

There are several reports on the performance of West Indian and Asian children on standard tests of reading and mathematical ability. Their general findings are broadly comparable to those that have looked at IQ scores: both West Indian and Asian children, but particularly the former, tend to obtain lower scores than do indigenous children. (63) This suggests that average differences between groups in IQ scores are related to the average differences found when children are directly tested for what they have learnt in school. But it is also important to know whether, within each group, children who obtain higher IQ scores also do better on these other tests. If this were not true, we should be inclined to doubt that IQ had the same meaning for each group. The National Child Development and Child Health and Education Studies gave both IQ and reading and mathematics tests to children, and we have calculated, for each ethnic group, the correlation between IQ scores and scores on these other tests. (64) The results are shown in Part A of Table 7. As can be seen, the correlations are all high, and there is no serious suggestion that their size differs systematically between groups (statistically, none of the differences is significant). By this measure, then, IQ scores do mean much the same in each group.

But there is a further question which we can ask, for these correlations tell us only that, for


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example, a West Indian child with an IQ of 105 is likely to obtain higher scores on reading and mathematics tests than one with an IQ of 85. They do not say whether he will obtain the same scores as a white child with an IQ of 105. It is possible that West Indian and white children with similar IQ scores obtain systematically different scores on reading and mathematics tests. In order to answer this question, it is necessary to perform another regression analysis which, in effect, compares the reading and mathematics scores actually obtained by West Indian children with the scores they would have obtained, given their IQ, if the relationship between reading or mathematics and IQ scores were exactly the same in West Indian children as it is in white children. The results of these regression analyses are shown in Part B of Table 7. It is clear that the actual scores obtained by both West Indian and Asian children, in both studies, are not only lower than the average white scores (approximately 100 on both tests in both studies), their scores are also, in virtually all cases, lower than the scores one would have predicted on the basis of their IQ. In other words, IQ scores tend, if anything, to overestimate the performance of both West Indian and Asian children on these standard tests of school achievement.

Many of these discrepancies are extremely small and statistically not significant. But some are too large to be ignored and require some explanation. The discrepancies between obtained and predicted scores for the Asian children in NCDS, although quite sizeable in the case of reading, are largely due to the inclusion of children who had been in the country for less than 4 years. The scores obtained by Asian children who entered the UK before the age of 7 are as good as those of indigenous children, on both reading and mathematics tests, and do not differ from the scores one would have expected on the basis of their IQ. In CHES, there is essentially no discrepancy between predicted and obtained scores for Indian children, while Pakistani children, although doing worse on reading tests, do slightly better on mathematics tests, than their IQ scores would have led one to expect. Possibly more serious discrepancies are to be found in the West Indian children in CHES, for they perform at a significantly lower level on both reading and mathematics tests, particularly the latter, than their IQ scores would predict. Why this should be so is not clear. Perhaps their IQ scores are misleadingly high. But an alternative possibility is suggested by the arguments we considered in the previous section. If West Indian children are not doing as well at reading and mathematics as one might have expected, this might be because of the way they are taught or the preconceptions teachers have about their abilities. There is some evidence, as we have seen, that teachers' expectations can have a greater impact on measures of school achievement than on IQ scores. There is, of course, no evidence to show that this is what has actually been happening to the children in question. Moreover, other studies nave not reported such discrepancies between IQ scores and measures of school achievement in West Indian children. In the NCDS data, shown in Table 7, the discrepancies are quite small. And in another study, which reported IQ and reading scores for indigenous, West Indian and Asian children, at age 12 the West Indian children were reading as well as the Asian children in spite of obtaining significantly lower IQ scores. (65) In this case, therefore, it was the Asian children who read less well than their IQ would have led one to expect.

Perhaps of even more interest than the scores obtained on reading and mathematics tests are the results of public examinations such as CSE and O Levels taken at the age of 16+. How well do West Indian and Asian children do on such exams and how well is their performance predicted by the scores they obtain on IQ tests? Published evidence suggests that West Indian children obtain significantly fewer 'good' passes (O Levels A-C and CSE 1) than indigenous children, but that Asian children are probably doing just as well as the indigenous majority. (66) There are, however, no published data on the relationship between IQ scores and examination performance and we have therefore analysed data from NCDS to provide some preliminary information. The results of our analyses are shown in Table 8. The picture is distinctly complex.

Since a sizeable minority of children, whether white, West Indian or Asian, obtained no graded passes in CSE or O Levels at all (either because they did not enter or because they failed), the data are analysed first to see whether there is any difference in IQ scores between children with


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at least one graded pass and those with none. As can be seen from Part A of the table, indigenous children with at least one pass have, unsurprisingly, a higher IQ score than those with none. But although the same is true for Asian children, in West Indian children there is virtually no difference between the two groups. In West Indians alone, for reasons which are not immediately apparent, IQ scores do not seem to predict which children will have some success in these exams and which will have none.

Part B of the table gives the correlation, in those children with at least one passing grade, between IQ scores and two measures of success: the total number of passes achieved at any age, and the number of good passes achieved by the age of 16. Both of these measures of examination performance show moderately high correlations with IQ in all ethnic groups. Although the correlations for West Indian children are slightly lower than those for the other children, the differences are not large. In all groups, children with higher IQ scores tend to do better than those with lower scores.

But, as with the reading and mathematics tests, we also need to know whether a West Indian or Asian child with a high IQ obtained as many passes as a white child with a similar IQ score. Once again, therefore, we need to perform a regression analysis which compares the number of passes obtained and the number predicted on the basis of IQ. This information is given in Part C of the table. It is clear that both West Indian and Asian children actually obtain rather more total CSE and O Level passes than would have been expected, given their IQ scores, if they had been white. In the case of Indian children this underestimate of examination performance is statistically significant. It should be noted, however, that both groups of children have rather fewer 'good' CSE or O Level passes by the age of 16 than their IQ scores would have predicted (although these differences are not significant).

The number of children involved in these analyses is relatively small and, yet again therefore, their results should be treated with some caution. For example, the data for the Asian children do not accord with more recent, published data which suggest that Asian children obtain as many good passes as white children, and thus considerably more than in this study. But in the case of West Indian children there are now some other fragments of evidence to suggest that they may be obtaining rather better examination results than is sometimes supposed. (67) There is no room for complacency, for there seems to be no question but that they obtain significantly fewer good examination passes than white or Asian children, but the picture is not one of unrelieved gloom.

What then can we say about the relationship between IQ scores and these measures of school achievement? There is no simple answer. While IQ scores tended to overestimate the performance of Asian, and perhaps more strikingly of West Indian, children on tests of reading and mathematics, there is equally good evidence that they can underestimate the performance of both groups, again more particularly of West Indians, on public examinations. Yet again, we can only speculate why this should be so. It is at least possible that both West Indian and Asian children and their parents place a higher value on examination credentials than their white contemporaries and are more willing to stay on at school or to attend a college of further education in order to obtain such credentials.

But we should not exaggerate the discrepancies between IQ and school achievement in ethnic minorities. The fact is that many of the relationships between the two are very similar in West Indian, Asian and indigenous children. The correlations between IQ and reading, mathematics and examination passes are reasonably high and of much the same value in all three groups. Although some studies have reported discrepancies between IQ scores and some measures of school achievement, they have not always been confirmed, and the discrepancy between IQ and a different index of school achievement may be in exactly the opposite direction. It would surely be unreasonable to argue, on the basis of this evidence, that IQ tests systematically underestimate the academic potential of West Indian or Asian children in this country. If the criterion of bias


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is that one test gives a lower estimate of performance than another, there is no more reason to suppose that IQ tests are invariably biased against West Indians in this country than against blacks in the US. More important, if high and low IQ scores have much the same implication for school performance in other ethnic groups as they do in whites, then one might expect to find that factors that affected West Indian or Asian IQ scores would also affect their school achievements.

Social circumstances and school performance
If IQ scores are related to school achievement in much the same way in West Indian, Asian and white children, and if the differences between the IQ scores of the three groups of children are related to differences in their social circumstances, it seems at least possible that differences in their school achievement will also be related to these differences in social circumstances.

A final set of regression analyses, similar to those whose results are shown in Tables 4 and 6, were conducted to examine this possibility. The measures of school achievement we used were the results of the reading and mathematics tests from NCDS (at both 11 and 16) and CHES (at age 10), and the examinations results from NCDS. Performance on all of these was correlated, in the indigenous population, with the same set of social circumstances that were related to variations in IQ scores. The results of the regression analyses are given in Table 9; not surprisingly, they show that much, although by no means all, of the initial difference between either West Indian or Asian and white children is accounted for by the differences in their social circumstances.

Several comments on these results are in order. The data from NCDS are for all available children regardless of how recently they had entered the country. This certainly explains the particularly poor performance of the Asian children at age 11. As can be seen, by age 16 they have made significant gains, particularly in the mathematics test; and if the analysis is confined to those children who entered the country before the age of 7, the residual differences at age 11 are trivially small, and by age 16 Asian children obtain higher scores than white children even before the regression analysis is carried out. As with IQ tests, the West Indian children do not show such a marked effect of length of residence in this country, and show relatively little improvement from 11 to 16. The data from CHES indicate that West Indian children obtain lower scores on reading and mathematics tests than do either Indian or Pakistani children and that the residual differences between their scores and those of the white children, i.e. the differences unaccounted for by differences in their social circumstances are considerably larger than in these other groups. The results shown in Table 7 should have prepared one for this finding, since there we saw that West Indian children, unlike Asians, obtained lower scores on these tests than their IQ scores would have led one to expect. Once again, we can offer no more than speculation why this should be so, and must stress that it is an isolated result to be treated with the same caution.

But the overall pattern of results is as we might have expected. Differences in their social circumstance can account for a significant part of the differences in school performance observed between ethnic minorities and white children. In the case of the examination data from NCDS, it can be seen that both West Indian and Asian children obtain more total passes than do white children in comparable social circumstances, just as they obtained more passes than white children with comparable IQ scores. And the difference in the number of good grades obtained is very small once social circumstances have been taken into account. Although it is important to remember that regression analyses such as these can never prove that differences in test scores are actually caused by differences in social circumstance, it is at least worth considering the possibility that elimination of some of the more glaring instances of social inequality might significantly affect differences in school achievement.


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Summary and Conclusions

At the risk of seeming unduly pedantic, it is necessary to reiterate that the evidence available to answer any of the important questions about the attainments and abilities of ethnic minorities is very imperfect. There are relatively few studies providing information about their performance on standard IQ tests; in most of these the data were collected 10 or more years ago; their results do not always agree with one another; and in virtually no case is there any information that would make it possible to disentangle possible causes of differences between different ethnic groups. It has been necessary from time to time to call upon American data to answer certain questions, but there is no guarantee that such data are relevant to the British case. The only safe conclusion is that few secure conclusions can be drawn - and that many of those most confidently asserted reflect preconception and prejudice rather than sober evaluation of the evidence. With that proviso, it is worth seeing in what direction the evidence seems to point.

1. Several studies undertaken in this country over the past 10 to 15 years have shown that children from ethnic minorities on average attain somewhat lower scores on standard IQ tests than indigenous children.

2. Much of this difference has been due to the particularly poor performance of children who have only recently immigrated into this country. This is particularly true in the case of the Asian community, where children of Indian or Pakistani origin born in this country have in some, although by no means all, studies both achieved IQ scores well within the range of the indigenous population and also performed equally well on school exams. Whether this is still true, or true of all groups of Asian children, may be open to question.

3. In the case of children of West Indian origin, this does not seem to be the whole story: while those born in this country have higher scores than recent immigrants, they still score, on average, about 5 to 12 points below the population mean. Despite claims to the contrary, however, there is little reason to believe that the size of this gap increases as children progress through school. Indeed, there is some evidence that West Indian children may do rather better at CSE and O Level examinations than the gap in IQ scores might lead one to expect.

4. Much of this difference in IQ scores between West Indian and indigenous children appears to be related to differences between them in such factors as parental occupation, income, size of family, degree of overcrowding, and neighbourhood. All of these factors are related to IQ among whites, and when they are taken into account, the difference between West Indian and indigenous children is sharply reduced, to somewhere between 1 and 7 points.

5. These findings tend to argue against those who would seek to provide a predominantly genetic explanation of ethnic differences in IQ, but they equally imply that such differences are not due to a special set of factors unique to the West Indian experience. Although discrimination against West Indian families in this country may have an important indirect effect on their children's IQ scores by ensuring that they live in impoverished circumstances, there is less reason to believe that such discrimination, whether by society as a whole or by teachers and IQ testers in particular, has any direct effect on the West Indian child's performance. There is, moreover, relatively little evidence that specifically supports either this or the genetic position. Such imperfect attempts as have been made to study the intellectual development of black and white children brought up in comparable surroundings have found few if any differences in their IQ scores. Conversely, there is not much reason to believe that teachers' expectations have any large effects on their pupils' IQ scores (although they may affect other aspects of their performance at school), and although motivational and attitudinal factors have sometimes been found to have significant effects on IQ scores, the effects are neither consistent nor large. At best such factors may make a modest contribution to observed ethnic differences in IQ scores; they are unlikely to be the most important cause.


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6. The evidence is not compelling, then, but on balance it does seem to point one way rather than others: ethnic differences in IQ scores are probably largely caused by the same factors as are responsible for differences in IQ within the white population as a whole. And much the same conclusion probably applies to ethnic differences in more specific measures of school performance such as tests of reading or mathematics or public examinations. Here too, such differences as there are between different ethnic groups seem to be largely related to the same social factors that are related to differences within the indigenous populations. If, therefore, we wish to affect the IQ scores of children from ethnic minorities in our society, or indeed their school performance, we might make a start by improving the social and economic circumstances of their families.

Finally, it seems worth stressing that the possibility that such a programme might have beneficial effects on IQ scores is surely not the best reason for wishing to improve the conditions in which a substantial minority of the community is forced to live. By the same token, even if it turns out that racial prejudice is not a direct cause of the low IQ scores obtained by many West Indian children, this is no reason to countenance such prejudice. There are many things in life substantially more important than IQ. Even in a narrow educational context, no one should be particularly interested in IQ scores. Educationalists should be concerned rather with how well children do at school, how adequately they master certain basic skills and, if need be, with their examination results - since these results will affect their future chances in life in a multitude of ways. They should ask, for example, why West Indian children do not read as well as white children, and rather than wondering whether this is due to a difference in IQ, they would be better advised to tackle the problem directly - by relying on those factors (such as parental involvement (68)) actually shown to be capable of affecting a child's ability to read.

The only reason for being concerned with IQ scores is that they tend to predict educational attainment (and even that not particularly well). Attempts to invest a child's IQ score with greater importance usually rest on one of two assumptions: that it provides a direct measure of his true worth, or that it predicts his later success in life significantly more accurately than other measures of educational attainment. Neither assumption is justified. There is a third fact that, in some minds at least, has inflated the importance of IQ scores: the possibility that there might be significant and ineradicable differences in the average IQ of different social, ethnic or racial groups has been thought by some to justify prejudice or discrimination against all members of the groups with lower scores. But the justification is spurious. As has often been pointed out, an average difference between two groups, even one as large as the 15 point difference claimed to hold between blacks and whites in the US, conceals even larger differences within each group and therefore a very large degree of overlap between the two. Indeed, even with this 15 point difference, it has been argued, the chances are that the difference in IQ between a randomly selected black child in the US and a similarly chosen white child from the same social class will be only 1 point larger than the difference one would expect to find between a brother and sister brought up in the same family. (69) And the fact of the matter is that we do not discriminate against all groups with lower than average IQ scores. No one has ever suggested that we should discriminate against twins; but there is excellent evidence that the average IQ of twins is about 5 points below that of the rest of the population. (70) We do not think that this matters, and we should rightly question the good sense or good will of anyone who claimed that it did.


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TABLE 1

Summary of Four Studies Comparing IQ Scores of Indigenous Children and Children of West Indian Origin


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TABLE 2

Summary of Four Studies Showing IQ Scores of West Indian and Indigenous Children Approximately Matched for Father's Occupation or Neighbourhood


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TABLE 3

Percentage of Indigenous and of West Indian Families Living in Various Social Circumstances

Where there is no entry, this is either because the data are not available in that study or because there is no significant difference between West Indian and Indigenous children.


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TABLE 4

Results of Multiple Regression Analyses of West Indian and Indigenous Children's IQ Scores Using Variables listed in Table 3

The data shown are the differences in IQ scores between West Indian and indigenous children before (unadjusted) and after (residual) the multiple regression analysis.


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TABLE 5

Summary of Four Studies Comparing IQ Scores of Indigenous Children and Children of Indian or Pakistani Origin


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TABLE 6

Social Circumstances of Indian and Pakistani Families and Results of Regression Analyses of Children's IQ Scores Taking these Factors into Account


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TABLE 7

Prediction of Performance on Tests of Reading and Mathematics by IQ Scores


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TABLE 8

Prediction of Examination Performance at Age 16+ by IQ Score at Age 11 for Indigenous, West Indian and Asian Children


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TABLE 9

Results of Multiple Regression Analyses of West Indian, Asian and Indigenous Scores on Reading and Mathematics Tests and Public Examinations Using Social Variables Listed in Table 3


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FOOTNOTES

1. JWB Douglas, The Home and the School, MacGibbon & Kee, 1964; C Jencks, Inequality, Basic Books, 1972; M Rutter & N Madge, Cycles of Disadvantage, Heinemann, 1976.

2. See, for example: Interim Report of Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, HMSO, 1981, pp. 6-8; MJ Taylor Caught Between, NFER-Nelson, 1981, pp. 111-122; S Scarr, BK Caparulo, B M Ferdman & R B Tower, Brit. J Develop. Psychol., 1983, 1 ,31-48.

3. AR Jensen, Harvard Educ. Rev., 1969, 39, 1-129.

4. HJ Eysenck, Race, Intelligence and Education, Temple Smith, 1971, p. 130.

5. There is not even complete agreement on what is to count as an IQ test, although the traditional distinction between them and tests of achievement (e.g., of reading or mathematics) is followed here. IQ tests are usually divided into individual or group tests, depending on whether they are administered to one person at a time, as are the Stanford-Binet or Wechsler tests, or to a large group at the same time. A more important distinction is between 'verbal' and 'non-verbal' tests, the former concentrating (not necessarily exclusively) on tests of vocabulary, meanings of phrases, verbal analogies and the like; while the latter may use numerical, pictorial or diagrammatic material, as in Raven's Matrices test which can be administered to a group with only minimal instructions. The Wechsler test is divided into two parts, verbal and performance, the former including tests of general knowledge and mathematics as well as vocabulary, and the latter comprising typical non-verbal pictorial and diagrammatic material.

6. See, for example: AR Jensen, Bias in Mental Testing, Methuen, 1980, pp. 277-281.

7. The proportion of the total variation in any characteristic found in a given population that can be attributed to genetic differences between members of that population is termed the 'heritability' of the characteristic.

Heritability can, in principle, be calculated for any characteristic that can be measured, whether it be height, weight, colour of hair or of skin, musical ability or IQ. Two points should be stressed. First, heritability is a statistic applicable only to a particular population at a particular time. Secondly, high heritability does not mean that the characteristic in question is genetically fixed and therefore unamenable to environmental influence. The heritability of height, for example, is generally taken to be very high, of the order of .90, in most modern populations. But changes in the diet of a particular population can still produce large increases in average height: that of the Japanese, for example, has increased by over 5cm since 1945.

Both Jensen and Eysenck have repeatedly argued that the heritability of IQ is about .80, i.e. that 80 per cent of the observed variation in IQ in modern Western populations is due to genetic variation within these populations. Relatively few other authorities would now agree with them. ND Henderson (Ann. Rev. Psychol., 1982,33, p. 413) states that 'an estimate of 50 per cent seems more in vogue' or 'between .4 and .7.' S Scarr and L Carter-Saltzman in Handbook of Human Intelligence, (Ed. R J Sternberg), Cambridge University Press, 1982, p. 792) write: 'Most investigators in behavior genetics conclude from the evidence that about half (+/-.1) of the current differences among individuals in US and European white populations in measured intelligence result from genetic differences among them.'

8. PE Vernon, Intelligence and Cultural Environment, Methuen, 1969, p.70.

9. RS MacArthur & WB Elley, Brit. J. Educ. Psychol., 1963,33,107-119; JD Nisbet & NJ Entwhistle, Brit. J. Educ. Psychol., 1967, 37 188-193.

10. JC Loehlin, G Lindzey & JN Spuhler, Race Differences in Intelligence, Freeman, 1975, pp.I77-195.

11. LA Messé, WD Crane, SR Messé & W Rice, J. Educe. Psychol., 1979, 71, 233-241; AR Jensen, Bias in Mental Testing, pp. 465-515; S Scarr & D Yee, Educ. Psychologist, 1980, 15,1-22.

12. It is clearly somewhat inappropriate to refer to UK citizens as West Indian children. In earlier studies, many children so characterised may have been born there, but this is not true of more recent studies. We use the term, somewhat hesitantly, and later the term


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Asian, Indian or Pakistani to refer to children whose families have recently migrated from the West Indies or Indian sub-continents. Where we report the results of original analyses of The National Child Development Study, the criterion for counting a child as West Indian or Asian was that he should be described as of the appropriate ethnic appearance, and that both his parents should have been born in the West Indies or in India, Pakistan or Bangladesh. This is, obviously, a rather conservative criterion. For the more recent Child Health and Education Study, where data on parental place of birth were not available, the criterion was simply that the child be described in the parental interview as of West Indian, Indian or Pakistani (including Bangladeshi) ethnic groups.

13. A M Shuey, The Testing of Negro Intelligence, Social Sciences Press, 1966; J C Loehlin, G Lindzey & J N Spuhler, Race Differences in Intelligence.

14. IQ tests are normally 'standardised' to give a mean or average score for the population as a whole of 100, with a 'standard deviation' of 15 points. That is to say, approximately two thirds of the population will obtain IQ scores between 85 and 115, or one standard deviation on either side of the mean. If, therefore, there is a 15 point difference between the mean IQ scores of blacks and whites in the US, this would imply that whereas about 50 per cent of whites obtained IQ scores of 100 or more, only about 15 to 20 per cent of blacks will do so.

15. W Yule, M Berger, M Rutter & B Yule, J. Child Psychol. Psychiat., 1975.16, 1-17.

16. J McFie & J A Thompson, Brit. J. Educ. Psychol., 1970,40,348-351.

17. The National Child Development Study is organised by the National Children's Bureau, 8 Wakley Street, London EC1. We are very grateful to the Bureau for making the data available and in particular to K Fogelman for all his help. The raw scores on the two IQ tests have been converted to IQ scores with a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15.

18. The Child Health and Education Study is directed by Professor NR Butler, University of Bristol. We are very grateful to him and to his colleagues Dr Mary Haslam and Mr B Howlett for making the data available and for all their help. Our analyses of the data from this and the National Child Development Study were financially supported by a grant from the Economic and Social Research Council.

The British Ability Scales (CD Elliott, NFER-Nelson, 1979) consist of a set of 23 separate sub-tests or scales, only four of which were used in this study: word definitions, similarities, matrices and recall of digits. The first is a test of vocabulary, and the second a test of conceptual grouping or categorisation; by any criterion, these would be regarded as verbal IQ tests, The matrices sub-test is similar to Raven's Matrices, requiring the child to complete diagrammatic sequences, and is equally clearly a non-verbal IQ test. In the recall of digits sub-test or digit span, the child listens to a sequence of numbers and simply has to repeat them back to the tester; it is a test used in many other IQ tests (in the Wechsler tests and some versions of the Stanford-Binet test), where it is usually classified as a verbal test (as it is in the British Ability Scales). The basis for such classification is that factor analysis reveals that the digits test tends to agree with other verbal tests more than with non-verbal tests, although it is acknowledged that it usually correlates less strongly with other verbal tests than they do with one another. We have calculated the inter-correlations between these four sub-tests in the unusually large sample provided by this study. The correlation between definitions and similarities was twice as large as that between either of these sub-tests and recall of digits, and these were, in turn, no larger than the correlation between recall of digits and matrices. We also performed a factor analysis (varimax rotation) on these scores: the first factor was one on which definitions and similarities loaded more strongly than digits or matrices; the second was one on which the latter two tests loaded more strongly than the first two. By this criterion, the similarities and definitions sub-tests go together as a measure of verbal IQ, while the recall of digits and matrices tests go together as a measure of non-verbal IQ. Rather than insist on this grouping, however, we have chosen to present the results of the four sub-tests separately, allowing readers to make up their own minds.

19. N Foner, Internat. Migration Rev., 1979 13, 284-297.

20, B Tizard, O Cooperman, A Joseph & J Tizard, Child Development, 1972 43, 337-358.


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21. K Eyferth, Archiv. Gesamte Psychol., 1961, 113, 222-241.

22. S Scarr & R A Weinberg, Amer. Psychologist, 1976, 31, 726-739.

23. See, for example: A R Jensen, Straight Talk about Mental Tests, Methuen, 1981, pp. 207-232. An excellent discussion of Jensen's data and arguments is provided by J R Flynn, Race, IQ and Jensen, Routledge, 1980. It will be obvious to the reader of Flynn's book that our own discussion owes a great deal to his painstaking and scrupulously honest account.

24. For a good discussion, see: M Rutter & N Madge, Cycles of Disadvantage, pp. 110-123.

25. MJ Taylor, Caught Between, pp. 27-35; M Ghodsian, J Essen & K Richardson, New Community, 1980, 8, 195-205; S Scarr et al. Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983,1,31-48; AR Jensen, Educability and Group Differences, Methuen, 1973, pp. 168-169.

26. MJ Taylor, Caught Between, pp. 35-45; M Rutter, B Yule, J Morton & C Bagley, J. Child Psychol. Psychiat., 1975, 16, 105-124; S Scarr et al. Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983, I, 32-48.

27. For example: SS Baratz & JC Baratz, Harvard Educ. Rev., 1970,40,34-36; Black People's Progressive Association and Redbridge Community Relations Council, Cause for Concern: West Indian Pupils in Redbridge, 1978.

28. AR Jensen, Straight Talk about Mental Tests, p.192.

29. AM Shuey, The Testing of Negro Intelligence.

30. For a critical analysis of the studies relied on by Shuey, see: P M Green, Dissent, 1976, 284-297.

31. PL Nichols & VE Anderson, Soc. Biol., 1973, 20, 367-374.

32. AM Grace, Unpublished MEd Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1972.

33. One relevant study in California (J R Mercer & W C Brown, In The Fallacy of IQ (Ed. C. Senna), The Third Press, 1973) found that a relatively small number of factors, father's occupation and education, type of neighbourhood, home ownership, mother's participation in various local organisations, and family structure, were able to account for most of the difference between the IQ scores of black and white children. It is important to note that to 'account for' such a difference in terms of a particular set of social factors does not mean that the social factors have been shown to cause the difference, but only that they were correlated with it and when allowance is made for them the IQ difference disappears. Whether this implies a direct causal relationship is another matter, discussed on p. 22.

34. VP Houghton, Race, 1968, 147-156; C Bagley, Soc. Econ. Studies, 1971 10.

35. It must be stressed that the information provided in Table 3 comes from two independent studies which asked rather different questions and collected and tabulated data in rather different ways. Even information seemingly as straightforward as the number of children, for example, is not comparable, for in NCDS this item refers to the number of children in the household (which might contain more than one family) while in CHES, it refers to the number of children in the family. In no sense, therefore, should the table be used to infer whether or not there has been any change in the social circumstances of West Indian (or indigenous) children over the 12 years separating the two studies.

A similar analysis of NCDS data has been published by C Bagley in Self-Concept, Achievement and Multicultural Education (ed. G Verma & C Bagley), Macmillan, 1982. One problem with this sort of analysis is that data on all the variables may not be availablefor all the children in the original sample. In the NCDS sample, for example, complete data for the variables listed in Table 3 are available for only 72 of the original 113 West Indian children of whom only 54 had been in the UK for more than 4 years. It is difficult to know whether they are a random sample from the initial set of 113, but the mean IQ score of 88.4 for these 72 does not differ greatly from the mean of 86.3 for all 113 children, while the mean of 89.7 for the 54 who had been in the UK for more than 4 years hardly differs at all from the mean of 89.0 for the 74 children in the entire sample who had been in this country for this length of time. In the CHES sample, complete data are available for 92 of the original West Indian children, with a mean IQ score of 91.5 compared to that of 92.4 for the entire sample. Although this difference in total IQ is trivially small, by an odd chance it is largely made up of a difference in scores on the recall of digits. The 92 children in the regression analysis had a mean score of 97.3 on this sub-test compared with


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a score of 99.2 for the entire sample.

36. MJ Taylor, Caught Between, pp. 27-35. Runnymede Trust, Britain's Black Population, Heinemann, 1980, pp. 55-72.

37. Interim Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, pp. 6-8; J Essen & M Ghodsian, New Community, 1979, 7, 422-429.

38. B Ashby, A Morrison & HJ Butcher, Res. Educ., 1970, 4, 73-80; R Sharma, unpublished PhD Thesis, University of London, 1971; other data on the performance of Asian children on IQ tests and in school are discussed in the report prepared for this committee by MJ Taylor.

39. As was true for the West Indian children in CHES, the large majority of Indian and Pakistani children in this study had lived in the UK for at least 5 years by the time of these tests - 159 of 170 Indian children and 79 of 91 Pakistani children. Exclusion of the small number of recent immigrants makes very little difference to the results shown in Table 5: they did obtain rather lower scores on the two verbal sub-tests, but actually obtained slightly higher scores on the matrices and recall of digits sub-tests.

40. S Scarr et al. Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983,1,31-48.

41. M Ghodsian et aI., New Community, 1980,8, 195-205.

42. The data shown in Table 6 are from all Indian and Pakistani children regardless of their date of entry into the UK Exclusion of the small numbers who were not born here makes virtually no difference to the results of the analyses. Statistical analyses of the data on the social circumstances of West Indian, Indian and Pakistani children given in Tables 3 and 6 confirms, what is evident from the figures, that both Indian and Pakistani families are significantly less likely than West Indian families to have no male head, and that Indian children are significantly less likely than West Indians to receive free school meals or to live in inner cities or council estates. The only other significant differences are those where Pakistani families are actually worse off than West Indians.

43. There are, of course, numerous other minority groups now resident in the UK They are mostly too small to provide significant numbers of children in national surveys like NCDS and CHES. But some thorough local studies have occasionally turned up enough children to provide meaningful data. One such is W Yule et aI., J. Child Psychol. Psychiat., 1975, 16, 1-17. This found, for example, that Turkish Cypriot children obtained scores on IQ tests lower than those of West Indian children.

44. We have found one British study where West Indian children, selected to have similar scores to white children on verbal tasks, obtained reliably lower scores on Raven's Matrices (JF Payne, unpublished MA Thesis, University of Keele, 1967). But there were no data on any other ethnic group and it is impossible to know whether the results have any generality. American studies, on which of course Jensen's arguments were originally based, give little reason to believe so. Although some have reported particularly poor performance by American blacks on this test (C Higgins & C Sivers, J. Consult. Psychol., 1958, 22, 465-468; AR Jensen, Educability and Group Differences, pp. 309-312), others have found no such deficit (I J Semler & I Iscoe, J. Educ. Psychol., 1966, 57, 326-336; JM Mandler & NL Stein, J. Exp. Psychol., 1974, 102, 657-669). There is some evidence that blacks in the US find particular difficulty with the 'Blocks Design' sub-test of the Wechsler tests: this requires one to manipulate diagrammatic, spatial relationships possibly similar to those called for in the Matrices test. The evidence is discussed by JC Loehlin, G Lindzey and JN Spuhler, Race Differences in Intelligence, pp. 186-187; see also G R Reynolds & A R Jensen, J. Educ. Psychol., 1983, 75, 207-214. JM Mandler & NL Stein, Psychol, Bull., 1977, 84, 173-192, have published a thorough, critical review of this whole issue, entitled 'The myth of perceptual defect'; their conclusion is that there is no good reason to believe that blacks in the US perform especially poorly on non-verbal, perceptual or spatial tests.

45. We are assuming here that there probably is a difference between the IQ scores of West Indian and of Asian children, and that their relatively similar performance at age 10 in CHES should be taken as the exception rather than the rule. The evidence from various measures of school achievement, tests of reading and mathematics and public examinations, tends to support this. Provided thay have been living in this country fora reasonable


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length of time, Asian children do better at school than West Indian children (see below, pp. 41-48). Even in CHES, West Indian children obtain lower scores on tests of reading and mathematics than Indian children, and lower mathematics scores than Pakistani children.

46. Cited by: S Tomlinson, Educational Subnormality: A Study in Decision Making, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981, pp. 146-147. .

47. R Rosenthal & L Jacobson, Pygmalion in the Classrooom, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968.

48. See: JD Elashoff & RE Snow, Pygmalion Reconsidered, Jones Publishing Company, 1971.

49. Elashoff & Snow, op. cit.; see also WB Seaver J. Pers. Soc. Psychol., 1973, 28, 333-342; WD Crane & PM Mellon, J. Educ. Psychol., 1978, 70, 39-49.

50. See: AR Jensen, Bias in Mental Testing, pp. 596-618; W Samuel, DJ Soto, M Parks, P Ngissah & B Jones, J. Educ. Psychol., 1976, 68, 273-285; W Samuel, J. Educ. Psychol., 1977, 69, 593-604.

51. C Bagley, M Bart & J Wong, In Race, Education and Identity (ed. GK Verma and C Bagley), Macmillan, 1979.

52. C Bagley, K Mallick & G K Verma. In Race, Education and Identity.

53. W Yule et aI., J. Child Psychol. Psychiat., 1975, 16, 1-17, found that West Indian girls performed better on IQ tests than West Indian boys, but neither the NCDS nor the CHES data show such differences: in NCDS the total IQ for boys is 86.7, for girls 85.5; in CHES, the comparable scores are 92.6 and 92.1. AM Grace (see footnote 32) also found no evidence that West Indian girls obtained higher scores than boys. One study which has reported higher self-esteem in West Indian boys than girls is: DM Louden, New Community, 1978, 6, 218-234.

54. P Lomax, Educ. Rev., 1977, 29,107-119.

55. C Bagley et al. In Race, Education and Identity.

56. D Milner, Children and Race, Penguin, 1975; A G Davey & P N Mullin, J. Child Psychol. Psychiat., 1980, 21, 241-251; P Lomax, Educ. Rev., 1977, 29, 107-119; M Stone, The Education of the Black Child in Britain, Fontana, 1981.

57. AM Grace, MEd. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1972: Community Relations Commission, Education of Ethnic Minority Children from the Perspecives of Parents, Teachers and Education Authorities, 1977.

58. A Dawson, In Youth in contemporary Society (ed. C Murray), NFER, 1978.

59. S Scarret aI., Brit. J. Develop, Psychol., 1938, 1, 31-48. The quotation is from The Sunday Times.

60. Data from Inner London, analysed by M Rutter, have shown that at the age of 10, West Indian children obtain non-verbal scores nearly 11 points below the indigenous mean, while at the age of 14 the difference is only 9 points.

61. C Mabey, Educ. Research, 1981, 23, 83-95. The reading scores reported by Mabey have been standardised, just like IQ scores, to give a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15. We have adopted the same procedure with the reading and mathematics scores from NCDS and CHES reported below.

62. The problem with the statistical analysis of the ILEA data (an analysis of co-variance) is that it assumes that the relationship between scores on the first reading test and scores on the second is a strictly linear one. Since West Indian children's scores tend to cluster together at one end of the scale on the first test, any deviation from linearity could lead to a mistaken estimate of their expected scores on the second test. Our own analysis of the scores on the two reading tests in NCDS revealed just such a departure from linearity, the consequence of which was that a linear regression analysis indicated a spurious decline in West Indian scores from one age to another.

63. A Little, Oxford Rev. Educ., 1975, 1, 117-135; W Yule et aI., J. Child Psychol. Psychol. Psychiat., 1975,16, 1-17; C Mabey, Educ. Research, 1981, 23, 83-95; S Scarr et aI., Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983,1,31-48.

64. The simplest measure of the relationship between two sets of scores is a correlation coefficient, which will have the value of 1.0 if the two sets of scores agree perfectly (i.e. the


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child with the highest score on one test has the highest score on the other and so on down to the child with the lowest score on both tests) and a value of zero if there is no agreement between them. S Scarr et aI., (Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983, 1, 31-48) also report similar correlations between IQ and reading scores in West Indian, Asian and white children.

65. S Scarr et aI., Brit. J. Develop. Psychol., 1983, 1, 31-48.

66. Interim Report of Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, HMSO, 1981.

67. The data presented in Table C of the Interim Report of Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, confirm that although West Indian children obtain fewer 'good' CSE and O Level passes than whites, they are less likely to leave school with no passes at all. Data from the Inner London Education Authority also indicate that a smaller proportion of West Indian than of white children have no CSE or O Level passes by the age of 16 (17 per cent versus 28 per cent), although a much smaller proportion (2 per cent versus 11 per cent) obtain 5 or more 'good' passes (C Mabey, personal communication). An analysis of a smaller group of West Indians and whites in Inner London suggests that if examinations passed at the 6th form level are included, the proportion of West Indian children obtaining 5 or more O Levels is 19 per cent compared to only 16 per cent in whites (M Rutter, G Gray, B Maughan & A Smith, School experience and achievements and the first year of employment, Final report to Department of Education and Science, 1982).

68. J Tizard, WN Schofield & J Hewison, Brit. J. Educ. Psychol., 1982, 52, 1-15.

69. AR Jensen, Straight Talk about Mental Tests, pp. 192-193.

70. RG Record, T McKeown & JH Edwards, Annals Human Genetics, 1970, 34, 11-20.


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ANNEX E

Revised Research Proposal on 'Academically Successful Black Pupils', submitted by the Research and Statistics Branch of the Inner London Education Authority July 1981



Synopsis
The proposed study is an investigation into the environmental factors - both at school and home - which enable Black students to succeed in CSE and O Level examinations (1). Three groups of seventy-five students: Black students with family backgrounds from the West Indies (2); Black students with Asian family backgrounds; and White students, who have obtained at least five CSE Grade 1 or O Level Grades A-C awards are to be interviewed in depth. Control groups of equal numbers of students of similar backgrounds - without qualifications - will also be interviewed. The information obtained from these interviews will be analysed in order to identify the factors which contribute towards the academic success of Black students in the British Educational System and to answer questions concerning the differences and similarities of these groups to the control groups.

Location of Study
The study is to be located in the Research and Statistics Branch of the ILEA.

Proposed Investigation
The recently published interim report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups recognised that some students with West Indian family backgrounds are achieving results 'comparable with, or indeed higher than, those of their peers' (1). This report identified the need for research evidence about particular factors which have led some Black pupils to succeed in their secondary schooling.

The need for such evidence arises because much research on children of West Indian family origin has tended to concentrate on overall levels of attainment and to compare these with that of other groups. (Yule et a11975, Redbridge 1978, Essen and Ghodsian 1980 and Mabey 1981). Such studies, though vitally important in providing information, may, in some ways, have contributed to a negative view of Black school pupils. (One exception is the study by Driver (1980) which claims a superior performance by West Indian pupils, but is methodologically flawed - Taylor 1981). The APU study which sought to repeat an investigation of the average attainment of children of West Indian family background was rejected by the minority ethnic groups and the teachers' associations on such grounds. Furthermore, a recent review of literature in this area (Mortimore 1981) argued that current research findings were inadequate to explain differences in attainment between different ethnic groups and that further detailed research was needed.

(1) We do recognise, of course, that educational success cannot be measured solely in terms of examination results. Nevertheless, success at public examinations is important for enabling the school leaver to compete in the employment market and to take advantage of the post-school educational opportunities available.

(2) In this proposal we have adopted a terminology used by, amongst others, the Catholic Commission for Racial Justice. The term 'Black' is used to refer to all those people who are identifiable by skin colour and share the experience of being the objects of racism at the hands of the white majority.

The term 'racism' is difficult to define. (See Tierney in 'Race, Migration and Schooling'.) In this proposal we have used the definition given in paragraph 2 Chapter 2 of the Rampton Report: 'In our view racism describes a set of attitudes and behaviour towards people of another race which is based on the belief that races are distinct-and can be graded as 'superior' or 'inferior'. A racist is therefore someone who believes that people of a particular race, colour or national origin are inherently inferior, so that their identity, culture, self-esteem, views and feelings are of less value than his or her own and can be disregarded or treated as less important.'


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A study of school and other factors which enable pupils to be academically successful could contribute to a positive view of Black pupils. Such a study would be in tune with other work which has developed around the concept of 'coping skills'. The study by Quinton et al (forthcoming) and the work of Rutter (1981) have both focused on the strategies by which people who have experienced social disadvantage manage to overcome their difficulties and achieve success. The proposed study would attempt similar tasks by focusing on, and investigating in detail the experiences - both positive and negative - of Black pupils of West Indian family background, Black pupils of Asian family background and White pupils, all of whom are already known to be 'academically' successful. Examining and contrasting these same experiences with those of less academically successful pupils from the same ethnic groups will provide data to answer a number of key questions and indicate how school and classroom environments may be modified to suit the needs and demands of Black pupils.

Research aims
The main aim of the study will be to answer the following questions:

1. What difference do the pupils' school and classroom experiences make to their success or failure?

2. What contribution does the pupils' home environment make to their success (or failure)?

3. What effects, if any, do peer influences have on success (and failure)?

It should be noted that it is impossible to tackle successfully any one of these questions without, at the same time, answering the others. For example, in order to determine and measure with any confidence the contribution of schooling experiences to success, it is necessary first to identify, control and allow for the effects of home and peer group, as well as a host of other relevant factors.

To answer these three questions it is, therefore, necessary to collect detailed information covering the following areas:

1. School experience

(a) Pre-school and primary school experiences:
Attainment, referrals to and contact with any agencies; ethnic and social composition of the schools attended; experiences of racism.

(b) Secondary school experience:
Verbal reasoning band placement, school organisation (streamed/banded/mixed-ability), option choice advice, options taken up, extra coaching, career advice, participation in school life, attainment at different ages, responsibilities, participation, use of counselling, ethnic and social composition of school, experience of racism, supplementary schooling.

(c) Organisation and structure of secondary school attended:
Multi-ethnic policy/antiracist policy, multi-ethnic curriculum, departmental policy statements on multi-ethnic education, number of Black teachers, Black parental involvement, use of multi-ethnic advisory teachers, staff attitudes/opinions regarding race/multi-ethnic education, school participation in local Black activities and events, language policy, E2L provision, in-service training, library policy and resources, relationship with supplementary schools.

2. Home environment
(a) Family backgrounds:
Origins, length of stay of parents in UK, family composition, economic status, number of siblings, respondent's position in family, religious affiliations, type of housing.

(1) [The reference to this footnote is missing from the text.] 'West Indian children in our schools' (Interim Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups)


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(b) Style of family life:
Levels of supervision, existence of and type of family activities, parents' ambitions for their children, parents' attitude to schooling.
3. Individual characteristics, attitudes and experiences
Physical description (1), health, interests, ambitions, attitudes to school, to other ethnic groups, to British society, command of English, languages spoken, (for students with West Indian family backgrounds, command of Creole, attitude towards Creole speaking), experience of paid employment and/or voluntary community work, contact with institutional or direct racism in life outside school.
4. Peer influences
School peers, ethnicity of school peers, influence of peers, leisure activities, existence of key friend.
5. Existence of 'significant others'
Scouts/guides, church, youth club, family friends, teachers, social workers.
6. Present activity and future plans
Whether in employment, education or training, aspirations, and long-term plans.
7. Racism
This is clearly a complex, difficult, and sensitive issue. However as the above makes clear, we intend to look at racism and its effects on Black pupils' attainment both within school and in society.
Research Design
Three groups of 75 pupils for each of the ethnic groups as described above are to be identified. These young people will have gained at least five CSE Grade 1/O Level Grades A-C by Summer 1981. In addition three equal-sized control groups of similar ethnic background but without the academic qualifications are also to be identified.

AlI pupils will be interviewed by trained interviewers. It is important that interviewers should not be aware before the interviews of the identity of young people from the target groups and from the control groups.

Research instruments
An interview schedule designed to elicit answers to the questions on the themes noted above will be developed. Parallel versions for each of the groups will also be prepared as appropriate. It is hoped, with the respondents' permission, to approach secondary schools for supplementary information.

(1) The relevance of some of the areas included (such as physical characteristics) may not be immediately apparent. There is some evidence to suggest that pupils of the same ethnic origin are treated differently by peers and teachers depending on their physical appearance.


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ANNEX F

Summary of the main findings of a longitudinal study undertaken by Dr GK Verma

1. The study, based at the University of Bradford, was conducted in three phases. The first phase was designed to explore the determinants of the vocational aspirations, choices and achievements of ethnic minority adolescents in the Leeds/Bradford area of West Yorkshire. The second phase examined the occupational experience of a cohort of adolescents and attempted to set this experience in the context of achievement aspirations, scholastic achievement and expectations of working life. (The findings of these first two stages of the study are detailed in the project reports: 'Problems of Vocational Adaptation of South Asian Adolescents in Britain, with special reference to the role of the school' - November 1981 and 'The Occupational Adaptation of Ethnic Minority Adolescents in early Working Life' - March 1982.) The final phase, which was funded by the DES to assist the Swann Committee in its work, was specifically concerned with the academic achievement of ethnic minority adolescents and sought to establish profiles of high and low achievers among adolescents within different ethnic groups. In this phase of the research, the findings of which are summarised in this paper, no attempt was made to compare directly the overall levels of achievement of different ethnic groups; instead the factors which appeared to be associated with high and low achievers within each group were analysed separately, i.e. the study was concerned primarily with intra- rather than inter- ethnic comparisons. The full findings of the study are being published separately. (1)

2. In the final phase of the study, profiles of high and low achievers within ethnic groups were subjected to analysis on three levels:

Cultural Factors

a. composition of various cultures
b. the 'core values' of each culture
c. actual and perceived differences
d. the individual's perception of his/her group membership and others' views of this.

Immediate Environment of the Individual

Family, school, peers and other environmental variables were studied, and how they interacted to produce cultural factors.

Individual Factors

Analysis for this level included self-esteem, motivation and attitude.

3. The study drew its sample from nine schools in West Yorkshire. In total some 1,224 pupils (694 boys, 530 girls) were studied, made up as follows:

WhitesIndiansPaki-
stani
Bangla-
deshi
West
Indian
Others
Girls2906678363822
Boys3669092445448
Total656156170809270

In relation to South Asian youngsters, the religious breakdown was as follows:

Hindus 84
Muslims 250
Sikhs 72
Over 80 per cent of the ethnic minority pupils studied were born in this country.

(1) 'Ethnicity and Educational Achievement'. Verma, GK and Ashworth, B. Macmillan.


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4. The main findings of the study are as follows:

i. Views on Education
South Asian youngsters (Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi) appeared to have a high regard for education and usually gave overall approval to school, school work and teaching. Youngsters from other groups (whites and West Indians) tended to be more selective in their likes and dislikes and to offer more judgement on schools and teachers. About half the South Asians commented that they enjoyed or liked school. There also appeared to be a number of differences between the ethnic groups studied in terms of educational motivation. The South Asian youngsters' motivation in particular appeared to be centred around a commitment to school and examination success, possibly in the hope of social mobility, or, more likely, to avoid the damaging effect of failure. Over two thirds of the total sample studied believed that examination success led to success in obtaining employment. West Indian youngsters on the other hand were less inclined to see a firm relationship between examination success and obtaining employment - possibly the knowledge that brothers and sisters and other West Indian youngsters with good qualifications are still discriminated against is a factor here. However South Asian youngsters who also experienced discrimination appeared to respond by reaffirming their commitment to educational qualifications as a means of social mobility.

Youngsters staying on at school did so to enter higher education later, to obtain better qualifications for work or to avoid unemployment. White pupils - particularly, able girls - tended to decide early to stay on at school and try to enter higher education, but a number of boys stayed on to improve previous examination results. Although South Asian pupils staying on generally thought that increased qualifications would lead to better job prospects the boys were beginning to show some doubts. The girls believed this as a result of leaving school and unsuccessfully searching for work before returning to the sixth form. A greater proportion of Pakistani and Indian youngsters expressed the intention of retaking examinations which they had failed than that in any other group. The proportion intending to retake was lowest for the White group. Many Muslim girls had their own difficulties, for parental control was strong and this led to some uncertainty over plans for work and assumptions about arranged marriages. West Indian girls had clearer reasons for staying on than boys. Like the South Asian and White girls they either needed more qualifications to enter further or higher education or could not find work. Unemployed South Asians who were not high achievers tended to regret their previous school performance. They attached no blame to the school, however, and took personal responsibility for being unable to find work. Many who had left school and found work realised that educational qualifications were not the only criteria used by employers in selecting employees. The intention to seek entry to further or higher education was most frequently expressed by South Asian pupils. In contrast, two thirds of the White pupils intended to leave school to seek employment; in the South Asian and West Indian groups only approximately one third expressed such an intention.

ii. Self-Esteem
No significant inter-ethnic differences were found in levels of self-esteem. However, factors contributing to self-esteem varied in their importance for different ethnic groups. West Indian youngsters, for example, derived much of their self-esteem from peer group sources; school sources made little contribution. In contrast South Asian youngsters derived most of their self-esteem from family and school sources. Youngsters unable to obtain employment had significantly lower levels of self-esteem than either those who had found employment or those who had stayed on at school beyond the age of 16. In the South Asian groups girls tended to have lower levels of self-esteem than boys. The reverse was true in the White and West Indian groups.


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iii. The Cultural Context of Achievement
Although aware of their cultural heritage many South Asians had adopted some English cultural ways and ideas, and as a result faced many dilemmas which varied in intensity from family to family. South Asian youth's attitude presented the paradox of family loyalty and integration (with traditional values) with a materialistic and resentful attitude to British society. Some South Asian girls in particular faced family alienation in their search for independence. There were families, however, who had modified their own ideas of their culture in the light of English circumstances. Cultural adaptation was of less concern to White youngsters, however. For them it was more a question of other ethnic groups assimilating or adapting to the indigenous culture.

iv. Family Influences on Achievement
The family, particularly parents, appeared to be a major source of influence and help for all youngsters, but did not perform the same role for each ethnic group. In terms of perceived parental interest in their child's education, there was one significant inter-ethnic difference. High maternal and lower paternal interest were characteristic of West Indian youngsters; with other ethnic groups, perceived levels of maternal and paternal interest were more equally rated. The influence of the mother in West Indian families was particularly strong and this seemed to provide a dynamic model for girls. They had clearer ideas than boys about what they wanted to achieve and the means of doing so. South Asians tended to have clear guidance about schooling and careers and a number had well-educated relatives. Such families usually were supportive to the child and a number had come to England to increase their family's educational opportunities.

v. Sources of Information about Jobs
White youngsters tended to obtain their information about jobs from family and friends. Ethnic minority youngsters tended to obtain most information about jobs from 'formal' sources - from careers education at school or the Careers Office. 'Informal' sources for gaining employment were rated significantly more highly by White youngsters. 'Knowing the right people' was considered important by approximately 4 White youngsters in every 10; for Pakistani youngsters the proportion was just below 2 in 10. In terms of gaining employment, West Indian pupils tended to believe that having a 'good school record' was particularly important, while rating the acquisition of educational qualifications less highly.

Factors Affecting Examination Achievement
5. To sum up therefore, the major factors discriminating between 'high' and 'low' examination achievement were not the same for every ethnic group.

i. For White adolescents, such factors appeared to be:

- level of self-esteem, including its general-self, peer group and school-academic dimensions

- social class

- perceived level of maternal interest

- perceived level of help from the following sources: teachers, school, parents, siblings and friends

- enjoyment of school

- school attendance/absence


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ii. For Pakistani adolescents, the main factors were:

- use of mother tongue at home

- social class

- perceived level of paternal and maternal interest

- perceived level of help from: school and siblings

- enjoyment of school

- school attendance/absence

iii. For Bangladeshi adolescents the factors discriminating between 'high' and 'low' achievement were:

- perceived level of paternal interest

- school attendance/absence

iv. For Indian adolescents, those factors appeared to be:

- perceived level of paternal interest

- enjoyment of school

- school attendance/absence

v. For West Indian adolescents, the factors discriminating between 'high' and 'low' achievement were:

- level of self-esteem, including its general-self and school-academic dimensions

- perceived level of maternal interest

- perceived level of help from school

- school attendance/absence

All the factors reported were significant at or above the 5 per cent level. Given the nature of the data and the method by which it was analysed, it would be inappropriate and inadvisable to attempt to weight the factors. The factors listed above, although found to discriminate between high and low achievement, represent only part of a complex interaction which is different for each ethnic group. Other factors, despite not reaching statistical significance, also mediated on each interaction complex, making each unique. Thus, school attendance/absence, a discriminating factor in all ethnic groups has a separate value for each group. It cannot therefore be considered as having equal value in characterising high and low achievement in all ethnic groups.

6. The results obtained from this study, although confined to only one area of the country, suggest that the process of examination achievement is ethnically specific; factors affecting the achievement of one ethnic group may not necessarily affect the achievement of another one. It may be fallacious, therefore, to attempt to explain the 'underachievement' of a particular ethnic minority group from an understanding of the achievement process of the majority group. The examination of the interplay of social, education, cultural, familial and psychological factors mediating on achievement by intra-ethnic analysis shows distinct variation between high and low achievers of one ethnic group when compared with those of the other groups. To produce a definitive list of how the process of achievement differs with the ethnicity of the individual would be a fruitful area for further research that was specifically designed for this task.


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ANNEX G

A Note on Research: by James Cornford

1. Introduction
The committee has faced a number of difficulties in finding satisfactory research to supplement and support the evidence it has received from teachers, parents, local education authorities, and the many other individuals and groups listed in the Appendices to this report. The first difficulty was that the Committee was not able to consider at length a comprehensive research strategy, given the requirement to produce quickly an interim report. The second difficulty, reflected clearly in the interim report, was the inadequacy of official statistics to provide anything but the crudest indications of the extent of differences between ethnic groups in academic achievement. This is regrettable but not surprising. The School Leavers Survey, onto which additional ethnic questions were piggy backed with the collaboration of a number of LEAs, is an administrative exercise. It was not designed for the Committee's purposes and not capable of adaptation to include the large number of additional questions about pupils, their backgrounds and the schools themselves, which would have been necessary to get behind crude ethnic categories and to give some idea of the causes as well as the extent of differences of achievement. This is not the fault of the Statistics Branch of the Department of Education and Science for whose help we are grateful. The Branch was indeed quick to point out the limitations of the survey. But it is a comment on the failure of the Department to keep itself adequately informed on what has for many years been acknowledged to be an urgent problem. We can only repeat once again the recommendation of our interim report that the Department should institute a programme for monitoring the educational progress of children from ethnic minorities. If this should prove too complex and too sensitive to handle as a routine administrative exercise, as may well prove to be the case, then the Department should establish a research programme to examine these problems in a regular and systematic way. Research undertaken by individual initiative in universities, colleges and research institutes has for the most part been on a small scale, not replicated or cumulative and often indifferent in quality.

That has been our third difficulty. The most important step taken by the Committee was to commission from the National Foundation for Educational Research three reviews of research into the education of pupils of West Indian, Asian and other origins: the first of these has been published as Caught Between by Monica J Taylor (NFER-Nelson 1981), and it is anticipated that the others, co-authored by Monica Taylor and Seamus Hegarty, will be published in due course. In the main body of our report we have drawn wherever possible on the findings of the research reviewed. And it must be said that whatever its shortcomings the cumulative effect of the research is to confirm and underline the seriousness and complexity of the educational problems facing ethnic minorities. The point to make again here however is the inadequacy of the past ad hoc research effort as a basis for policy and the need for the Department to make the fullest use of the small number of first-rate research workers in the field.

The fourth difficulty facing the Committee has been the sheer sensitivity of the issues it wanted to examine. This may be illustrated by a brief account of the major research initiative attempted by the Committee in response to criticisms of its interim report. This initiative originated with a proposal from the Research and Statistics Branch of the Inner London Education Authority for a project on Black Students and educational success. The idea was to interview about their home background and school experience two groups of black pupils, one of which would have achieved a certain level of success in public examinations at sixteen plus and the other not. Matching groups of white pupils were to be interviewed at the same time. It was hoped in this way not only to shift the focus of attention from factors associated with failure to those associated with success, but to get at the pupils' own perceptions of their schooling and in particular of the influence of racial attitudes on their performance. The major limitation of the research design,


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of which the proponents were well aware, was that to get groups of an adequate size the sample had to be drawn from a large number of schools. This would have precluded independent examination and assessment of the policies and practices of the schools themselves which are widely recognised to be a critical factor in pupils' achievement. Despite this limitation, the Committee saw this as a promising proposal, but wished to extend its scope to include both Asian pupils and places outside London. Negotiations to modify the research design and to conduct linked projects in Birmingham and Bradford were making progress when the project had to be abandoned.

The project was criticised at a conference of the National Association for Multiracial Education (NAME) and subsequent meetings between members of the Committee, of the research team and members of the Caribbean Teachers Association, NAME, the Afro-Caribbean Education Research Project (ACER) and other teachers and community workers revealed grave doubts about the value of the project and serious criticism of its design. The central issues were the emphasis on social and cultural factors and the weakness in relation to the schools. Whatever view one took about the force of these criticisms, there could be no mistaking the strength of the conviction behind them, and without the goodwill and cooperation of the critics the project had no chance of success. It was therefore withdrawn.

The Committee agreed with its critics about the lack of research about what goes on in schools and asked the ILEA team to design an alternative project to look at such factors as streaming, subject choice, examination entry and curriculum content as they affected children from ethnic minorities. The most illuminating studies of ethnic factors in schools have been based on direct observation, carried out in particular schools and classrooms, often highly perceptive and suggestive but necessarily limited for purposes of generalisation. The question is whether, drawing on these perceptions, measures can be developed which are methodologically sound, capable of replication and acceptable to LEAs, teachers, parents and pupils. This was the question to which the ILEA team now addressed itself. Unfortunately the earlier delays and the time taken to develop the feasibility study pushed the timetable beyond the anticipated life of the Committee. It was not therefore possible to fund this study from the Committee's budget and the Committee strongly recommended that the DES should fund it. The Department however delayed a decision beyond the point where the ILEA team could be kept together and thus lost the opportunity to build directly on the work already done. We regret this and believe that direct research on school policy and practice is essential if progress is to be made towards understanding the dynamics of ethnic relations in schools and towards improving performance. It is also necessary to reassure ethnic minorities that serious attention is given to their complaints and that research will be conducted which is not so designed as to throw the whole burden of responsibility for low academic achievement on pupils and their families. For these reasons we particularly welcome the joint research project of the Policy Studies Institute and the University of Lancaster, funded by the DES, on 'Factors associated with success in multi-ethnic schools'. This study concentrates on the relation between school policies and practices and the achievement of pupils. It has not however been found possible to focus directly on the influence of racial factors, as some direct observational studies have done. The problem addressed by the ILEA feasibility study remains to be tackled.

2. Commissioned work
The upshot of this sorry tale was that, apart from the review of existing research, the Committee was able to commission new research on a modest scale only. Its major commissions were not indeed of new research, but were subventions to current programmes to enable research teams to complete work in progress in time to be of use to the Committee. The first of these was to the ESRC's Research Unit on Ethnic Relations, at the University of Aston, for a study of the definition and implementation of multicultural education policy by four local education authorities, by Professor John Rex and colleagues (The Development of Multi-Cultural Education Policy in Four Local Education Authority Areas, Research Unit on Ethnic Relations, April 1983).


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The second commission was to the Postgraduate School of Studies in Research in Education of the University of Bradford to enable the Committee to draw on the findings of a longitudinal study of academic achievement under the direction of Dr GK Verma for which the fieldwork had been carried out in 1977-1982 (Ethnicity and Achievement in British Schools, University of Bradford, 1984).

Two other studies were directly commissioned on matters of particular concern to the Committee: a survey of present provision and capacity for training teachers in ethnic minority community languages (Training of Teachers of Ethnic Minority Community Languages by Professor Maurice Craft and Dr Madelaine Atkins, School of Education, University of Nottingham); and a study of provision for multicultural education in 'all-white' schools (A Report of visits to schools with few or no Ethnic Minority Pupils by Arnold Matthews and Laurie Fallows). Each of these studies has produced useful information and interesting argument which are reflected at the appropriate places in the main body of our report.

We also commissioned from Eglon Whittingham a report on 'Language and its relation to achievement among children of West Indian origin'. In this report Mr Whittingham reviews the published research on the subject of Creole and patois. He also draws on a small research project of his own to give detailed examples of children's use of Creole linguistic forms in the classroom and the problems to which they may give rise, and demonstrates the need for further investigation. The report is available from the DES.

3. Agenda for Research
There are three steps which we see as essential to provide a sound basis for future policy:

1. the establishment of an adequate statistical base;

2. the setting up of a programme of longitudinal studies to monitor in greater depth the progress of ethnic minority children; and

3. the support of research projects which concentrate on the educational process, particularly policies and practices within schools, the relationship between home and school, and the transition from school to work.

4. The Statistical Base
1. In our interim report we argued for the value of ethnically based statistics as follows:
'Ethnically based statistics can, we believe, be of value at all levels and to all parties within education: to central government. in determining policy; to LEAs in quantifying and locating particular needs; to schools so that they can take full account of the cultural and linguistic backgrounds of pupils and see whether any groups are underachieving or are disproportionately represented in any subject or class and to make an appropriate response; and to parents so that they can assess their child's performance in relation to his peers. We are therefore wholly in favour of the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis where they are to be used in establishing facts about how members of the ethnic minorities are faring in the educational system.'
And we made specific recommendations about pupils and teachers including:
'i. All schools should record the ethnic origin of a child's family, along with the normal standard data, when a child first enters school, on the basis of discussion with parents.

ii. The DES should reincorporate the collection of information on the ethnic origin of all pupils in schools into its annual statistical exercise and should introduce ethnic classifications into its school leavers survey.'


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2. We are aware that there are strong objections to the collection of ethnically based statistics including:

a. that the information is not and will not be used to the advantage of the groups concerned: a more probable result is the perpetuation of negative stereotypes. Monitoring in the past has not led to improvements;

b. that ethnic classifications are unsatisfactory and have no educational relevance; and

c. that information on ethnic origin may be used in conjunction with the British Nationality Act 1981 to determine individual citizenship.

3. Although we understand the fears that lie behind these objections, we continue to believe that the collection of ethnically based statistics is necessary both for planning the policies we have recommended in this report and for making sure that they are being implemented. We agree however that:
a. it is necessary to arrive at a commonly agreed set of classifications that can be seen to have a definite educational relevance because they correspond to real social and cultural differences which affect the relationships between schools and pupils; and

b. that we must distinguish between information which it is in the direct interest of individual pupils and their families to have collected (e.g. language, religion) and more general information, including ethnic origins, which may be of importance for LEA or DES policy, but which does not need to be collected from each pupil or recorded individually.

4. The first thing to establish is the purpose for which statistics should be collected. The following have been suggested:
a. The assessment of special education need (pupil).
b. The allocation of staffing and other resources to meet such need (LEA/School).
c. Monitoring of performance (LEA/DES).
5. The second thing to determine is what information is required and from whom, for example:

a. Pupils

i. Mother tongue and whether used at home.
ii. Special dietary needs.
iii. Religion.
b. Schools in addition to (a) (i)-(iii) above
i. English Language proficiency.
ii. Standardised test results at various ages.
iii. Admission to selective schools, composition of bands or streams. iv. Suspensions, referrals to special agencies outside school.
v. External examinations: entries and results.
vi. Staying on into full-time education post 16.
vii. Success in obtaining employment.
viii. Entry into higher education.
c. LEA/DES in addition to above
i. Ethnic origin
6. This information may be collected as follows:
a. Pupil information: from parents on entering school.

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b. School information: compiled by school as pupil progresses through school.

c. LEA/DES: the important point is that information on ethnic origin need not be collected from every individual pupil at all: the information is being collected primarily for a political purpose, namely to monitor the performance of ethnic groups, not to help with the problems of individual pupils or to allocate resources which must be done on the basis of need, i.e. the numbers of pupils actually experiencing language difficulties.

7. Information on ethnic origins could of course be collected from parents when children first enter schools as we originally recommended. Given the fears that have been expressed and the fact that this information is required for general policy purposes and not for direct educational decisions about individual pupils, there is a case for collecting this information by sample survey. The major problem about information collected from individuals is confidentiality: that information may be used for purposes other than that for which it was originally required (e.g. fears about nationality). The advantages of using a social survey for monitoring as against the collection of information from each and every individual include:
i. the guarantee of anonymity and confidentiality to those questioned: the survey is a separate exercise and the information is not recorded on the individual's record card;
ii. greater accuracy: it is much easier to collect accurate information from a sample than from routine administrative enquiry to a whole population;
iii. greater flexibility: information sought can be adjusted in the light of experience, an administrative system is cumbersome, and expensive to alter;
iv. more scope for gathering additional information which may be pertinent to monitoring including information on institutional factors. A regular survey could have a core of questions on ethnic background, but study in addition specific problems like the school allocation problems of an LEA or placement in special schools.
5. Monitoring
a. What is proposed in effect is to include the collection of information on ethnic origins within a programme of research rather than through the administrative procedures of the school, in the belief that the survey interview is more searching, more sensitive and more secure for the informant and will avoid raising delicate issues between schools and parents. It is also likely to yield more accurate, detailed and meaningful information than that which would emerge from the necessarily rough classifications which would have to be adopted for administrative record keeping.

We believe in any event that the monitoring of performance should not be left to ad hoc investigation but should be the subject of a continuing research programme. The main elements of such a programme would be as follows:

i. To obtain data on all categories of children, but with particular care to see that ethnic minority children are adequately represented in the samples.
ii. To collect contextual data on teachers, peers and schools to ensure adequate interpretation.
iii. To ensure acceptable measures of minority status, that is agreed definitions or classifications of ethnic origin.
iv. As a large part of the purpose is to establish trends, to maintain consistency and comparability of definitions.
v. The progress of children through the system and from one point to another will be of central interest, which implies longitudinal studies' following cohorts of children in the manner of the National Child Development Study and the Child Health and Education Study.

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vi. It will be necessary to include parents in the surveys in order to obtain adequate data on key background factors such as social class.
vii. Consideration will need to be given to the measures used to assess the outcomes or achievements of children. The use of public examination results alone is unlikely to be adequate.
viii. There will need to be a guarantee of long-term funding to ensure continuity, to enable research procedures to be progressively improved and to allow for an adequate judgement of the success of the programme.
b. Any such programme will need to be the responsibility of a specially designated research unit or group, either within the DES itself or in some research institute or university. To the extent that it needs to acquire the confidence and cooperation of a number of groups, parental, professional and official, there would be something to be said for a position independent of the DES and for the involvement of the various groups in the work of the unit. Its staff would need to have experience of work in ethnic relations and particular skills in the area of educational survey research. There are likely to be difficult issues both of classification and of survey design, which will need to be tackled with a combination of technical competence, imagination and political sensitivity. This will not be a routine research assignment.

The main responsibility of the unit would be to set up and run a series of overlapping longitudinal studies, perhaps three or four, covering the age ranges of interest, from infant through to post compulsory school age, and including further education and training. The main purpose of these studies would be to compare the progress of minorities and other groups through the crucial stages of the system. Thus a study from age 13 to age 16 would look at how comparable pupils aged 13 from different groups had made out by the time of their examination year. It would be important to report these studies every two or three years to monitor change. It would be equally important to include in the design of such studies as much data as possible on the character and composition of schools.

6. Specific Research
Here we indicate the areas of research which we think should enjoy priority. We have not devised and do not propose particular projects. There is a limited number of first rate research workers and it is seldom possible and never wise to tell them what to do. Nevertheless we think the DES and other funding bodies should give priority, other things being equal, to research in the following areas:

1. Policy and practice in schools.
2. Multicultural policies.
3. Language.
4. The transition from school to work.
5. Pre-school learning.
7. Schools
In her review of research from 1960 to 1982 (Ethnic Minorities in British Schools, Policy Studies Institute/Heinemann Educational Books, London 1983, p4) Sally Tomlinson comments:
'The literature has largely documented underachievement among minority group children, particularly children of West Indian origin, and there has been an obsessive concern with

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'explaining' this rather than focusing on factors which might make for children's improved education. There is very little positive literature documenting factors in and out of school which might make for more success among minority children within the existing school system, and there is no literature at all documenting particular factors within schools which might make for more effective education for the children.'
To this we might add that there is precious little research which throws light on factors within schools which may help to explain the difficulties which children encounter, whether matters of school policy, organisation or classroom practice. To do so requires a different approach and a different kind of research from most of what has been done to date. As a perceptive critique of our own aborted project on successful black students put it:
'... the sponsors appear to want a particular kind of evidence, i.e. quantified information which can be quoted with ease and treated as 'proof' yet without examining internal school dynamics.

Surely it seems reasonable to put the case for research of a more qualitative, interactive nature. Though this type of evidence may be less suited to 'proving' what makes a successful black student, it can give much greater insight into the complex range of variables which affect the educational life-changes of Black British children (1).'

The report goes on to suggest that eight factors should figure prominently in any research designed to look at school dynamics, namely: discipline policy, school policy on examination procedures, non-examination procedures, teachers, school management, home/school liaison, links with the community, and post-16 curriculum and opportunities. (Further specification of these factors as set out in the report is given in Appendix 1.)

We agree that there is an urgent need to look at these factors in schools and it is for that reason that we have already welcomed the PSI/Lancaster study. Experience of that project however suggests that there are major difficulties in carrying out an ambitious programme covering a large number of schools and that it may be necessary to restrict future research either to a relatively small number of schools, to be studied in depth, or to concentrate on a few aspects of policy and practice across a larger sample of schools. If the second approach were to be adopted, the PSI/Lancaster researchers themselves would be inclined to concentrate on home/school liaison, the curriculum in the humanities and the pastoral system.

More sensitive yet are the questions raised by research on classroom practice; and here we may have fallen foul of our own usage. 'Racism' has been used by us to describe a wide range of attitudes and behaviour, in a way which makes perfectly good sense to those who experience it, but is puzzling and alienating to those who do not. Experience and research (see for example the second review of research by the NFER and the study by Peter Green noted in Chapter Two) both show that teachers hold marked stereotypes of children from different ethnic groups and have different expectations of them, just as they do of boys and girls and of children from different social backgrounds. Some of these prejudices may be open and some unconscious. Their effect in a mixed classroom must be complex and can only be teased out by patient and scrupulous observation. Nothing can be done without the cooperation of the teachers themselves and we cannot emphasise too strongly that the purpose of such research is not to find another scapegoat for the shortcomings of the schools, but to help teachers to be more aware of the influence of their attitudes on the learning of their pupils and the extent to which unexamined prejudices can lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, whether of success or failure. It is important to know whether or not there are regular patterns in the way teachers deal with the children from

(1) ACER Project: Racism and the Black Child: Report of Follow Up Groups on the Interim Rampton Report. May 1982, p 57.


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different ethnic groups, how far these patterns reflect conscious or unconscious assumptions on the part of the teachers about the character and capabilities of the children, and how far these assumptions reflect the differences of language, culture and experience which children bring with them to school. These subtle and complex problems deserve at least as much attention as, for instance, the question of mixed ability teaching has received. (In Appendix 2 we quote comments from two researchers which throw light on the problems and possibilities of 'classroom research'.)

8. Multicultural Policies
It is clear from the researches of the Economic and Social Research Council's Research Unit on Ethnic Relations reported in Chapter Five that multicultural educational policies have been adopted piecemeal by LEAs in response to a variety of pressures. It is not clear exactly what these policies mean in principle and still less what their implications will be in practice. The RUER is following up the question of implementation in the school as part of its programme. It is not surprising, and perhaps not regrettable, that public policy should develop in a haphazard and muddled fashion. There are nevertheless some sharp and difficult choices which cannot be resolved by the application of the panacea of 'multiculturalism', which have already surfaced in the field of religious education and which are going to become increasingly pressing in the field of languages and the humanities curriculum in general.

These choices are thrown into relief by our own report whose emphasis has shifted from a primary concern with the academic achievement of children from ethnic minority groups to a wider and more fundamental prescription about the kind of society for which schools should be trying to prepare all children. We have referred frequently to a commitment to a 'truly pluralist society' to justify various policy recommendations. But it is not at all clear what 'pluralist' means. Taylor and Hegarty in their review of research on 'Asian' children comment sharply:

'What for example is really meant by cultural pluralism? How are the cultures and their representatives to coexist? At what level, for example, are the cultures to be integrated? Would there, for instance, be a separation of public and private cultures? What implications does cultural pluralism have for social cohesion? Does cultural pluralism imply greater individuality or segregation? What links are there between cultural pluralism and equal opportunities or racial harmony?'
These questions need to be further explored both generally and in relation to education. Different interpretations of pluralism have different political and educational implications, and it is likely that not only the majority and minorities may differ over which one they prefer but that both majority and minorities may also differ among themselves. Compare for the sake of argument two crudely characterised versions of pluralism:
1. Individualist
This view starts from the assumption of the modem, universalist, nation state in which the rights of individual citizens to life, liberty, property, association, worship and political participation are guaranteed. It is assumed that there are core values - loyalty to the regime and support for those civil rights - to which all citizens subscribe, but that beyond this there is a limited need for conformity: many things which in the past were thought to require common agreement can now be regarded as 'things indifferent'. There may need to be common road traffic regulations, but there is freedom of religious belief and worship. This view requires assimilation on the part both of majority and minorities. Minorities have to accept the political regime; the majority should in logic modify that regime to exclude 'things indifferent' from state regulation, for example disestablish the Church of England and end compulsory religious education in maintained schools. 'Assimilation' is to a common core with everything else left to private choice and action.


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2. Communitarian
This view differs in that in addition to a common core of public values to which majority and minorities adhere, it demands that public recognition and support be given to separate values and activities of majority and minorities. Public resources should be made available for activities specific to particular groups: for example public money for compulsory religious education of whatever kind parents demand, or possibly for special provision for teaching minority languages. Separate maintained schools for Muslims are a logical consequence of adhering to the present support for compulsory religious education.
The individualist assumes that in essentials (and the essentials are liberal) there will be conformity, but limits essentials and omits some very important aspects, like religion, from the core. The communitarian assumes that in some essentials groups will differ and can be enabled and encouraged to do so. To take the example of language: for the individualist English only may be essential. There is no official recognition of other languages, only optional study on the same basis as foreign languages. For the communitarian other community languages would be afforded some official recognition and encouragement, including provision in the curriculum as a medium of instruction.

The essential distinction in this example is between the recognition of individuals with equal rights and the recognition of groups with particular claims. Other distinctions could be made with different implications. The point of the example is that it would be useful to have spelt out the implications of various definitions of pluralism, so that policy makers in the midst of their piecemeal accommodations can have a better idea of where their decisions may lead them.

There are at least three ways in which research may help:

1. By establishing what public attitudes to multicultural issues are, not because these necessarily dictate what policies should be adopted, but because it should be helpful to know what reactions to anticipate and how much persuasion may be necessary to win general acceptance for innovation. Such evidence as we have suggests that there is a long way to go on some issues of pressing importance to minorities (See Table 1.)

2. By looking abroad at the policies and experience of other countries with substantial ethnic minorities. Policies can seldom be transplanted wholesale, but detached observation of other people's problems can often throw light on our own and will certainly provide warnings against exaggerated expectations of fashionable nostrums. Such research to be useful requires detailed first hand knowledge of the countries concerned: there is nothing useful to be gained from tourism. For this reason there is much to be said in favour of comparative research by cross national teams. It would, for example, be of great interest to compare the development of multicultural education in Holland and the United Kingdom, preferably by a detailed case study of what is actually happening in schools.

3. By monitoring developments in the curriculum. In the absence of a centrally ordained curriculum, changes in examination syllabuses and still more changes in the content and emphasis of what is taught in schools take place piecemeal. No doubt HM Inspectorate are aware of what is going on and can and will draw attention to significant changes. But it may also be useful to have a deliberate look at how 'multiculturalism' is affecting the teaching of history, which conveys what one might call the authorised version of the society children are members of and how it came to be as it is. Changes in the teaching of history and related studies are bound to be contentious and for that reason alone deserve to be widely understood and debated. We are not likely to become a truly pluralist society by stealth.


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TABLE 1
Attitudes to Multi-Cultural Education
*

... respondents were asked whether or not they thought that schools containing many children whose parents came from other countries and cultures should adopt special policies. Such policies included:

% Agreeing
Providing special classes in English if required;77
Teaching all children about the history and culture of these countries;74
Allowing those for whom it is important to wear traditional dress;43
Teaching children (from different backgrounds) about the history and culture of their parents' countries or origin;40
Providing separate religious instruction if their parents request it; and32
Allowing these children to study their mother tongue in school hours16

9. Language
There has been a great deal of research and experiment on various aspects of language on which we have drawn in this report. Problems remain to be investigated, but there are two points which have a general application but seem to us to be particularly worth making in the context of language:

1. The first is that special attention should be given to communicating the results of research both to those who commission it and to those who are its subjects but often also active collaborators in carrying out the projects. The Language Information Network Coordination, which grew out of the Linguistic Minorities Project (LMP), is an example of an attempt to build dissemination on to a research project and to maintain the impetus and interest which the original project generated. This example should be imitated: both researchers and funding bodies need to recognise this and allow for it in their initial planning. (For further information relating to the LMP see paragraph 3.2 and Annex D of Chapter Seven of this report).

2. It has been usual to look on ethnic minorities as presenting language problems, first because they require special teaching in English in order to participate fully in education, and secondly because they make demands for special recognition for their community languages. Both have been and remain serious problems, but they should not be allowed to obscure the fact that a large British bilingual population is an asset and a resource, which ought to be welcomed and exploited. The recent DES Consultative Paper Foreign Languages in the School Curriculum (1983) gives scant recognition to the possibilities. We hope that a more radical reappraisal of language policies will in future include the mother tongue of linguistic minority pupils within the compass of languages available to all pupils, as well as making greater provision for their academic study by bilingual pupils.

Some LEAs have already embarked on experiments with Faculties of Communication which bring together the various aspects of language learning. These experiments should be monitored and the results made as widely available as possible.

10. The transition from school to work, further education and training
It has to be faced that changes in the curriculum, however desirable in themselves, will not necessarily translate into improved academic achievement narrowly defined; nor will academic

*British Social Attitudes - The 1984 Report. Edited by Roger Jowell and Colin Airey, SCPR, Gower 1984, p 112.


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success necessarily translate into career opportunities, given the prevalence of discrimination in the labour market. As children from ethnic minorities are likely to remain disproportionately represented in non-examination classes, it will be important to monitor:

1. new developments in the secondary school curriculum, especially those that involve a move towards more practical or less academic subjects. Will ethnic minority pupils do newer, less academic and less well regarded subjects, and if so how will it affect their chances of employment?

2. the Technical and Vocational Educational Initiative, now being piloted in several LEAs and about to be adopted by many more. The curriculum being developed under TVEI seems to be designed to develop the sort of skills in which many minority pupils, particularly West Indians, have expressed an interest. Are they aware of the scheme and getting a chance to participate, and if so to what effect?

3. the experience of minority pupils on youth training schemes and in further education. A comparatively high proportion of minority pupils attend further education colleges, and this, along with youth training schemes, may be the most important substitute for the education that some of them are not getting at school. How far is this the case?

4. the number and progress of minority students in higher education. This is a matter of critical importance, particularly for the future recruitment of teachers, and there is precious little information about it. There has been some monitoring of the initial stages of access courses, but we understand that the DES does not itself propose to follow this through to ascertain whether or not the policy is working. As these courses have been widely adopted, this seems to us a mistake, which should not need to be made good by others.

5. Finally there is a case, given the shortage of information on the post school experience of ethnic minority pupils, to exploit the data of the National Child Development Study. The proportion of ethnic minority subjects in the sample is small but the data are rich and now extend from birth to age twenty-three, and thus include a full educational history of training and early work experience, as well as much else. At the least this would provide a basis for comparison with subsequent generations. Similar use might be made of the Child Health and Education Study at Bristol University.

11. Pre-School Learning

It is well established that by the age of seven the level of children's academic achievement is strongly related to family background factors, particularly social class and ethnicity. Research by the Thomas Coram Unit in London and the Community Education Development Centre in Coventry suggest that there is an important link between reading attainment and direct parental teaching. The Thomas Coram Unit is at present trying to tease out the effects of parental and teacher influence on children's achievement in the infant school for a sample of white British children and black British children of Caribbean descent in 33 ILEA infant schools.* If this research emphasises the importance of pre-school leaming, as well as parental involvement, it will reinforce the case for looking at pre-school provision for ethnic minority children. It is already known that working mothers from ethnic minority groups make disproportionate use of child minders (CRC Who Minds? 1975) and that the marked variations in the use of services by different ethnic groups are not simply reflections of different patterns of maternal employment (ILEA: Pre-School Survey, 1982). We need to know how far these differences may be determined by practical difficulties, such as hours of opening of nursery schools, and how much by more

*Thomas Coram Research Unit. Current Research. (October 1983)


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sensitive factors such as differences of views over child rearing, which may effect the willingness of ethnic minority mothers either to leave their children in nursery schools or to become involved with the education they are receiving there. Perhaps the most useful and important thing would be to find examples of successful provision of pre-school education for ethnic minority children and how they have been organised and funded.

12. Conclusion

In conclusion three points:

1. We have stressed the importance of systematic monitoring and the collection of an adequate statistical base for policy. But we must also emphasise that to grasp what is actually going on in the schools small scale research, often in the form of demonstration projects or experiments, is essential and that the involvement of teachers, parents and pupils in such projects is often the most effective means to change.

2. We have also emphasised the importance of direct research in the schools themselves: it is equally important to relate what is happening in schools to the communities in which they operate, and especially from our point of view the ethnic minority communities, which like the rest of society are continuously changing. Stereotypes of these communities are as dangerous and misleading as stereotypes of pupils.

3. Many of the recommendations of this Report are as it were acts of faith, based upon experience and commonsense. If, as we hope, they are implemented, they will become hypotheses to be tested to see whether or not they have the good results we expect.


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APPENDIX 1

ACER suggestions for variables to be included in study of school dynamics.

1. Discipline Policy

a. Suspension.
b. Expulsion.
c. Referral procedures, e.g. assessment centres, intermediate treatment centres, discipline units.
d. Home tuition: what is taught.
2. School Policy on Examination Procedures
a. Streaming and setting.
b. Mixed ability teaching:
  1. Maths and English and how these subjects are taught.
  2. Remedial education: withdrawal procedures and who goes where and when.
  3. Does the school have a policy of combining mixed ability teaching methods with streaming procedures?
c. Option choice procedures:
  1. Does the timetable restrict flexibility of choice?
  2. Guidance on option choice: careers/pastoral advice and parental involvement/consultation.
3. Non-Examination Procedures
a. What curriculum is available for pupils not entered for exams?
b. Does the school provide school leavers with a record of their studies?
  1. Does this record indicate what subjects the pupil studied?
c. Pupils' incentive to attend non-examinable subjects.
4. Teachers
a. How does the teacher see his/her role within the school?
  1. Managerial, subject oriented, pastoral, counselling and careers advice throughout the pupil's school life.
b. Does the teacher see the child as a whole person or is the child simply studying English, maths, history, etc?
c. Teachers' expectation of pupils and pupils' expectations of teachers.

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5. School Management

a. Does the Head delegate? In what ways is the Head involved in the whole life of the school?
b. Role of Deputy Head/s and Senior Teachers and Pastoral heads.
c. Role of Governors in decision making.
6. Home-School Liaison
a. Role of Parent-Teachers Association:
  1. To what extent do parents influence school policy?
  2. Is the PTA's function purely extra curricular?
b. Parents' Evenings: school reports and option choice?
  1. How much consultation is there between parents and teachers?
c. Open evenings and cultural evenings.
7. Links with the Community
a. Advice centres.
b. Supplementary schools.
c. Youth clubs.
d. Community centres.
8. Post-16 Curriculum and Opportunities
a. Work experience.
b. Counselling.
c. 6th Form curriculum: academic, vocational, non-vocational.


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APPENDIX 2

Two Quotations on the Multi-Ethnic Classroom

1. Alf Davey (having just described the findings of a study which showed early ethnocentricity among primary school children, the reluctance of parents to deal with it and their willingness to leave responsibility to the schools).

:So here you could say that the schools have a sort of implicit mandate to do more than they are actually doing in community relations. Now thinking about these parents, it seems to me that one of the things we ought to be investigating is how to get the parents involved in school planning, so you not only get the benefit of the different teacher-parent approaches, but you get the opportunity for parent to parent education, which seems to us to be so appropriate. As regard to the children's ethnocentricity, what I have been thinking of are ways children could be put together in some sort of interdependence of one another. One of the things that came up in the study was that, if you could get some kids into some sort of interdependence, their contribution to problem solving tasks or whatever, or their ability to contribute in this situation, becomes more important than their ethnicity. But it seems to me that it must be a whole school approach. There's a limit to what two or three teachers can do in a school, it is a problem that must be recognised by the school as a whole to be successful; and this applies even in a primary school where the teachers have got their kids most of the day. If the head teacher is not with them or the school is not with them, you get a dichotomy between the sort of structure of the school, which might be an authoritarian structure, and therefore has conflict built into its structure, and what teachers are trying to do. It seems to me that if you have conflict in the structure of your school, it doesn't matter how long you talk about children from other lands, it isn't going to alter the situation. We have got to start looking at teachers' styles, and the extent to which teachers are prepared to negotiate with children, to share authority with children, and the marrying together of the content and the structure of multi cultural education.

2. Geoffrey Driver (on the multi-ethnic classroom and teachers' strategies).

:I think the issue that arises here though, is that if we're conscious of ethnicity in the classroom, and I've sat at the back of so many classrooms and been aware of this, one is aware of a cultural collision of some kind, where perceptions and expectations do not match. If you have ever been in a traditional secondary modern school in a place like Birkenhead, where there are probably not too many ethnic minority kids, you'll find that there is a tradition of teacher-hood if you like that can cope with those youngsters; you may not admire them (the teachers) academically, but their social skills in meeting the youngsters, and the youngsters' expectations of them, are such that there is a basic respect. There is no sort of sense that people are being sold short. They may think sometimes that they are roughly treated but in terms of


[page 186]

their confidence in one another, it's all there. Now what's happening in multiracial classrooms is that very often because of the cultural wavebands, you can't get that kind of expectation now with young children; and I think this is the problem, they, don't fight the battle, they immediately go over on to the (teacher's) wavelength. They are very adaptable, as I see it, to the power that is built into the dominant culture. Now what happens as you go up through the school, especially if there is negative reinforcement for what you're doing as a teacher, there is gradually a hardening of resistance, as there is in all schools, even in the working class ones I'm talking about. But it comes earlier, and in a way which much more bewilders teachers, with minority youngsters. That seems to me to be the nub of the issue of what you call ethnocentrism. It isn't in fact a static factor. It is situational and it can be negotiated. Nobody lacks respect for a teacher who is a racist if he is doing a good job of teaching maths, oddly enough. I mean I've seen it. The complexity of the situation is that the teacher is just one man, with perhaps not two groups but three or four or five groups. The whole thing then becomes at that level an impossible task. I don't think it is realistic somehow to expect teachers to be non-ethnocentric. They can only be who they are, and especially faced with that situation, they pray to God that they'll get through by being who they are; and some of them make it because they are nice generous people, who in the end of the day the kids will forgive for everything. You go into the staffroom and after those classes it is like a bloody air raid shelter.


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APPENDIX 3

In preparing this paper we have to thank for informal discussions and advice:

Brandon Ashworth
Roger Ballard
Allan Beattie
Godfrey Brandt
Alf Davey
Steven Delsol
Geoffrey Driver
Ken Fogelman
Len Garrison
Peter Green
Jagdish Gundara
Bryan Hargreaves
Hilary Hester
Roger Hewitt
Crispin Jones
Verity Saifullah Khan
Alan Little
Miriam Lloyd
Peter Mortimore
John Rex
Harold Rosen
George Skinner
David Smith
Monica Taylor
Sally Tomlinson
Barry Troyna
Andreas Varlaam
Bev Woodroffe


[page 189 (unnumbered)]


PART II

'Education For All'





[page 191]

CHAPTER 4

Ethnic Minorities and Education:
A Historical Perspective




1. Introduction

1.1 In this chapter we attempt to offer an overview of the way in which the range of specialist measures, approaches to teaching and educational principles which have come to be known collectively as 'multicultural' education have evolved over the last twenty years or so and then to reflect on the state of multicultural education today. In so doing we seek to identify the various strands of the debate and the concerns of the ethnic minority communities, as well as examining central government policies and pronouncements and the response of LEAs and individual schools. We have sought to stand back from the tide of often-heated argument, debate and invective which today surrounds the whole area of the educational needs of ethnic minority children, and the issue of how schools in 'all-white' areas should be preparing their pupils for life in a multi-racial society, and examine critically some of the basic assumptions which have influenced and to some extent still underlie policy making from central government and local government level to the individual school and the individual teacher in the classroom.

2. Early Educational Responses to Immigration

2.1 Although children from a range of different ethnic backgrounds have long been present in this country, it is only since the early 1950s, with the sharp rise in immigration from Commonwealth countries, that the changing nature of British society and the fact that this might have particular implications for education has been seen as an issue. It is generally accepted that attitudes towards the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils fall into a clearly defined chronological pattern, moving from the early days of what is usually termed 'assimilation', through attempts to give at least some recognition in schools to the backgrounds of ethnic minority children - usually known as 'integration' - to the more recent moves towards multicultural education. We deal with each of these phases in turn.


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Assimilation

Language Needs and 'Culture Shock'

2.2 The initial response of the education system to the arrival of increasing numbers of immigrant children in schools during the late 1950s and early 1960s was to focus on absorbing them into the majority pupil population as rapidly as possible. The major obstacles to achieving this were seen as first and foremost the children's lack of expertise in the English language, coupled with the disorientation which they were felt to experience on arrival in a new country: commonly known as 'culture shock'. It is interesting to recall that in view of this focus on language as the major 'problem', children from the West Indies were considered to have no particular educational needs. For other immigrant children, from non-English speaking families, as the DES Circular 7/65 (1) put it:

'From the beginning the major educational task is the teaching of English.'
The emphasis was therefore on the teaching of English as a second language to immigrant children, often in specialist language or reception centres which also provided some basic pastoral support to counter 'culture shock', apparently in the belief that once these problems had been remedied the children might then be subsumed within the overall school population.

Dispersal

2.3 Another major concern of the assimilationist phase of the educational response to immigrant children, which appears to have arisen as much for political as educational reasons, was the officially sanctioned and indeed encouraged attempts at 'dispersing' these children between different schools in an attempt to 'spread the problem' and avoid any school becoming predominantly immigrant in character (mirroring of course the thinking behind moves in the United States towards bussing 'black' children in certain areas). The 1964 report of the Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council (CIAC) (2) expressed the concerns of many in education at the time about the possible effects of a school having large numbers of immigrant pupils, as follows:

'The presence of a high proportion of immigrant children in one class slows down the general routine of working and hampers the progress of the whole class, especially where the immigrants do not speak or write English fluently. This is clearly in itself undesirable and unfair to all the children in the class ... The
(1) 'The Education of Immigrants'. DES Circular 7/65 (14 June 1965).

(2) Second Report by The Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council. Cmnd 2266. HMSO. February 1964.


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evidence we have received strongly suggests that if a school has more than a certain percentage of immigrant children among its pupils the whole character and ethos of the school is altered. Immigrant pupils in such a school will not get as good an introduction to British life as they would get in a normal school, and we think their education in the widest sense must suffer as a result ... we were concerned by the evidence we received that there were schools in certain parts of the country containing an extremely high proportion of immigrant children. Moreover, the evidence from one or two areas showed something a good deal more disturbing than a rise in the proportion of immigrant children in certain schools; it showed a tendency towards the creation of predominantly immigrant schools, partly because of the increase in the number of immigrant children in certain neighbourhoods, but also partly because some parents tend to take native-born children away from schools when the proportion of immigrant pupils exceeds a level which suggests to them that the school is becoming an immigrant school. If this trend continues. both the social and the educational consequences might be very grave.'
In expressing these concerns the CIAC clearly had in mind events in the Southall area of London where a group of parents from the majority community had protested against the presence of large numbers of immigrant children in their children's schools. In response, the then Minister of Education set the tone for the emergence of an official dispersal policy when he expressed the view, to the House of Commons in 1963 (3) that:
'If possible, it is desirable on education grounds that no one school should have more than about 30 per cent of immigrants ... I must regretfully tell the House that one school must be regarded now as irretrievably an immigrant school. The important thing to do is to prevent this happening elsewhere.'
2.4 The policy of dispersal was confirmed and developed in the DES Circular 7/65 which, under the heading 'Spreading the Children', said:
'It is inevitable that, as the proportion of immigrant children in a school or class increases, the problems will become more difficult to solve, and the chances of assimilation more remote. How far any given proportion of immigrant children can be absorbed with benefit to both sides depends on, among other
(3) Hansard Vol. 685 Cols 433-4. 27 November 1963.


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of immigrant children who are proficient in English; the dividing line cannot be precisely defined. Experience suggests, however, that ... up to a fifth of immigrant children in any group fit in with reasonable ease, but that, if the proportion goes over about one third either in the school as a whole or in anyone class, serious strains arise. It is therefore desirable that the catchment areas of schools should, wherever possible, be arranged to avoid undue concentrations of immigrant children. Where this proves impracticable simply because the school serves an area which is occupied largely by immigrants, every effort should be made to disperse the immigrant children round a greater number of schools and to meet such problems of transport as may arise.'
Possibly the most telling part of this Circular, as far as it reveals the thinking which lay behind the government's policy, was the following section which was italicised, presumably for emphasis:
'It will be helpful if the parents of non-immigrant children can see that practical measures have been taken to deal with the problems in the schools, and that the progress of their own children is not being restricted by the undue preoccupation of the teaching staff with the linguistic and other difficulties of immigrant children.'
2.5 It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that such pronouncements by government served to confirm and reinforce the belief of many in the majority community that immigrant pupils merely caused problems and posed a threat to the well-being of indigenous children and to traditional educational standards. The 'problem-centred' approach to the education of ethnic minority pupils - which has we believe continued to underlie thinking and policy making in this field ever since, was thus officially sanctioned and articulated for the first time. As the authors of the Institute of Race Relations 1969 report (4) observed:
'The whole question of the educational effect of dispersal schemes was given only cursory attention when the policy was first proposed. For some, the point of the policy was to make life easier for teachers in schools which would normally have large intakes of children of immigrants. For others, the policy was a way of preventing the development of 'all immigrant' schools, which were per se undesirable. For still others, dispersal was an
(4) 'Colour and Citizenship - A Report on British Race Relations.' Institute of Race Relations. 1969.


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essential basis for cultural assimilation, including the learning of English ... Little or no thought had been devoted to a clear analysis of the nature and the extent of the educational needs of the immigrants. It was wrongly assumed that an influx of immigrant pupils into a school automatically hampered the chances of native English children in the school and that the children were competitors for the teacher's attention under all circumstances ... Official policy gave the accurate impression of having been devised under the pressure of circumstances and based on received ideas. Central to both was the concept that, as a result of the coming of immigrant pupils, the schools were changing for the worse ... The official dispersal policy, with its emphasis on preserving the normal routine of a school, was in a sense a Canute-like attempt to prevent change.'
Form 7(i) and Section 11

2.6 In order to provide the statistical basis for the dispersal policy and also to quantify the degree of language need, the DES initiated, in 1966, the collection of statistics on 'immigrant' children, through Form 7(i) returns, which sought information on children who were themselves immigrants or had been born in this country to immigrant parents who had arrived in the previous ten years. By implication these statistics suggested that after ten years in Britain an immigrant family would cease to suffer from any educational difficulties that could be attributed to immigration and racial difference. Financial support for the government's overall strategy at this time was made under Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966 whereby the Home Office provided a 50 per cent (later to become 75 per cent) grant to local authorities who were required to make special provision in the exercise of any of their functions in consequence of the presence within their areas of substantial numbers of immigrants from the Commonwealth:

'whose language or customs differ from those of the community.'
Since the claim was based solely on the presence of immigrant children in a school, rather than on the number of these children felt to be in need of additional educational support, the problem-centred perception of ethnic minority pupils, referred to above, was further emphasised.

2.7 The assimilationist phase can thus be seen as characterised by ad hoc responses to the educational needs of immigrant pupils designed on the one hand to 'compensate' for their assumed 'deficiencies' - primarily in being non-English speaking - and on the other hand to disrupt the education of indigenous children as


[page 196]

little as possible. Above all the assimilationist approach seems to have recognised the existence of a single cultural criterion which was 'white', Christian and English-speaking, and to have failed to acknowledge any wider implications of the changing nature of British society. Despite subsequent developments in policy making in this field the two most tangible manifestations of this approach: separate language centres and the policy of the dispersal or bussing of ethnic minority pupils continued long after policy makers would claim that the days of assimilationist thinking were behind them - language centres still being in existence in some parts of the country today, and bussing having continued in one LEA until 1979. The major source of funding for educational activities in relation to the needs of ethnic minorities also remains Section 11, which as we have seen not only took a somewhat limited view of the extent of educational need but was also designed to support the overall policy of assimilation.

Integration
2.8 Even while the official focus remained on the need to assimilate ethnic minority pupils as quickly as possible into majority society, many of the teachers who were working in multi-racial schools had come to feel that the education process should give some recognition to the differences in lifestyle and cultural and religious background of ethnic minority children - what became known as integration. As HMI Eric Bolton has recalled (5):

'Contrary to the assimilationist belief that, given English language fluency, the immigrant would disappear into the crowd, those arguing for integration claimed that a much more planned and detailed education and social programme needed to be undertaken if immigrants were to be able to integrate with the majority society. The emphasis was still upon integrating the minorities with the majority society and culture so that a culturally homogeneous society would be created. This meant that it was up to the minorities to change and adapt, and there was little or no pressure upon the majority society to modify or change its prevailing attitudes or practices. However, to enable integration to take place, it was argued that the majority society needed to be more aware of historical and cultural factors affecting different minorities. Knowledge and awareness would enable the majority society to make allowances for differences in lifestyle, culture and religion that might make it difficult for some immigrant groups to integrate with British society and would help to avoid the embarrassing mistakes that could arise from ignorance.'
(5) 'Education in a Multi-racial Society.' EJ Bolton. Trends in Education. Winter 1979.


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The need for teachers to have an awareness of the backgrounds of ethnic minority pupils was acknowledged in official policies and publications from the late 1960s onwards. In order to foster this increased awareness, the integrationist phase was characterised by a proliferation of 'relevant information' in the form of in-service courses on 'life in the countries of origin', visits to India or the West Indies and an increase in the number of books and other materials depicting ethnic minorities in their 'native surroundings'. The emphasis was almost exclusively upon ethnic minority pupils as immigrants from other countries rather than as an integral part of British society (although there were by this time increasing numbers of British-born second-generation children), and in many cases inaccurate or damaging stereotypes, which still persist today, were perpetuated or even created.

2.9 In practice there was little real difference between the assimilationist and integrationist viewpoints in that they shared the common aim of absorbing ethnic minority communities within society with as little disruption to the life of the majority community as possible. Whilst the integrationist stance went at least some way towards acknowledging that the lifestyles of the ethnic minority communities were valid in their own right, it failed to consider the broader implications for the traditional perception of the 'British way of life' which the presence of communities with such diverse backgrounds might have in the longer term. Indeed, looking back some ten years later on its policies during the 1960s, the government itself summarised (6) its objectives in the following rather limited and negative terms:

'i. to help create a climate in schools in which colour and race were not divisive and which would give all immigrant children opportunities for personal development in their new environment;

ii. to ensure that building programmes and teacher quotas reflected the needs of areas with large numbers of immigrant pupils;

iii. to offer advice and practical help to teachers faced with the challenge of teaching immigrant children;

iv. to safeguard against any lowering of standards, due to the presence of large numbers of non-English speaking children, which might adversely affect the progress of other children;

v. to encourage and promote relevant research.'

(6) 'The Education of Immigrants.' Education Survey 13. DES. 1971.


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Our view

2.10 In view of the philosophy which we put forward at the opening of this report, for the development of a pluralist society and our rejection of the notion of the assimilation of ethnic minority groups within the majority community as both undesirable and unworkable, it is hardly surprising that we regard both the assimilationist and integrationist educational responses to the needs of ethnic minority pupils as, in retrospect, misguided and ill-founded. Regrettably, however, many of the legacies of these early days still underlie much of the thinking and discussion about the educational needs of ethnic minority groups and have also, we believe, distorted the nature and development of the broader concept of multicultural education, quite apart from the residual physical manifestations of the period such as separate language centres. For example, the negative stereotypes of certain ethnic minority groups which were established and which still persist, the seemingly automatic assumption by some teachers that an ethnic minority pupil will experience, and may well cause, problems, and, above all perhaps, the underlying suspicion that the arrival of ethnic minority pupils has meant that schools have changed for the worse and that their presence poses a threat both to traditional educational standards and to the educational well-being of ethnic majority pupils.

3. The Emergence of Multicultural Education

Widely Varying Interpretations

3.1 We now look at the various factors which have influenced the emergence, over the past decade or so, of what has generally been termed 'multicultural' education. This concept is far from being clearly defined and explained, and although many people have attempted to put forward their own widely-varying definitions of multicultural education none of these can be said to have gained universal acceptance in the education world, especially in the absence of any detailed guidance from government. Although many teachers, especially those in multi-racial schools have increasingly come to accept that multicultural education is a valid concept, we have found in our own visits and discussions, that interpretations as to what changes in policy or teaching practices are actually required, vary enormously and it seems clear that, despite the proliferation in recent years of books, courses and conferences concerned with this issue, in the words of the second NFER review of research:

'In a very real and pressing sense the aims of education await to be rewritten ... the very lack of a definition of multicultural education has permitted not only the widest theoretical interpretations and broadest policy objectives, but also a considerable mismatch between these and educational practices.'

[page 199]

Two Distinct Themes

3.2 The most obvious difference between the early days of assimilation and integration, and the concept of multicultural education is that, whereas the former focused primarily on seeking to 'remedy' the perceived 'problems' of ethnic minority children and to 'compensate' for their perceived 'disabilities', multicultural education has usually tended to have two distinct themes - firstly, meeting the particular educational needs of ethnic minority children and secondly, the broader issue of preparing all pupils for life in a multi-racial society. These two themes are of course very much interrelated and indeed in our view, interdependent, but in order to seek to disentangle the developments which have taken place in the field of multicultural education, we shall consider each of them in turn.

3.3 The Educational Needs of Ethnic Minority Children

The Changing Nature of the Debate

The 'Failure' of Assimilation

3.3.1 By the late 1960s and early 1970s there was a growing realisation that the policies of assimilation and integration had failed to achieve their objectives - many ethnic minority pupils clearly still had educational needs which existing policies were proving unable to meet. On the broader level ethnic minority groups as a whole had not 'disappeared', as seems to have been hoped, by being absorbed by the majority community and the essential naivety of expecting the immigrant communities to be accepted by the indigenous majority as equal citizens of this country had been exposed by the rising tide of racial prejudice and hostility. Efforts by the government to stem this tide had proved largely ineffective, especially since successive governments had also passed Immigration Acts and Rules which were clearly intended to, and had the effect of, excluding people of non-European descent from this country. The Race Relations Acts of 1965 and 1968 and the establishment of the Race Relations Board and the Community Relations Commission (the forerunners of today's Commission for Racial Equality) - see paragraphs 3.3.19 and 3.3.20 below - whilst providing an indication of the government's growing concern about racial disharmony and racial prejudice, did not have the same impact on public opinion at the time as did Enoch Powell's 'rivers of blood' speech in the Spring of 1968.

Communities' Concerns

3.3.2 Meanwhile, there was growing concern about the apparent underachievement of West Indian pupils who, according to assimilationist beliefs, should have had little difficulty in 'settling down'. The concern of some educationists about the generally low performance of West Indian pupils was matched if not exceeded by mounting concern in the West Indian community itself about this


[page 200]

issue and about the specific question of the allegedly disproportionately high number of West Indian children who were finding themselves in schools for the educationally sub-normal. This latter concern was given fervent expression in 1971 in the polemical pamphlet 'How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Subnormal in the British School System' (7). Thus a new dimension had entered the debate on ethnic minority education - the ethnic minority communities themselves, now established in this country, had begun to voice their own concerns about their children's education, which in some cases differed from the concerns of the education system.

Curriculum Content

3.3.3 The West Indian community's concerns covered a range of different issues amongst these a belief that the language needs of West Indian pupils were not sufficiently catered for or understood, which was seen as a major factor in their misclassification as educationally sub-normal or 'remedial'. Concern was also felt about the curriculum content of subjects such as history and geography and the need to avoid negative or offensive references to 'black people'. The following extract from evidence presented to the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration (SCORRI) (8) in 1972/73 by a West Indian community organisation illustrates these concerns:

'In educational terms a lot has been said of teaching in a multi-racial school, but not enough thought has been given to the way in which such a school should be organised, the books used, the type of teachers, the type of material read in the schools. Are multi-racial schools to continue to be English schools which let in Black children? We believe that such a school should reflect the contribution by and participation of all ethnic groups. Through the teaching of geography, history, drama, music, literature, West Indians could be seen as contributing to the school curriculum. Books used now not only ignore the presence of such children, but some, like 'Black Sambo', are in our estimation racist and help to perpetuate the stereotyping that could only be divisive in a school community.'
'Black Studies'

3.3.4 At this time there were also calls from the West Indian community, influenced perhaps by developments in the USA, for the introduction of 'Black Studies' as a discrete subject within the curriculum, primarily as a means of reinforcing West Indian pupils' self-image - as illustrated by the following further extract from the SCORRI evidence:

(7) 'How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System.' B Coard. New Beacon Books. 1971.

(8) 'Education.' Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 1972-3. HMSO. HC 405 I-III.


[page 201]

'... many of the difficulties experienced by black people, particularly the youth in this country, are either caused through or exacerbated by what some of us would like to think of as a crisis of identity. This in turn is motivated by an inadequate knowledge of their past history and a lack of proper visual inspirational aid, current in the educational process of the United Kingdom ... the inclusion of Black Study Courses in the school curriculum would be of inestimable value ... The black child goes to a white school, he is taught by white teachers, he sees pictures of white persons, he uses books written by white craftsmen, he hears and sings songs about white people, he learns poems written by white people about white people. All this necessarily accustoms him to appreciation of white values only. This largely accounts for the obvious gap in mutual appreciation between black and white in Britain today. The primary purpose of Black Studies is the adjustment of this imbalance, and to help black people in this country, particularly the children who try desperately, as one writer puts it, to escape from the 'prisons of their skins.'
West Indian Teachers

3.3.5 Calls for 'Black Studies' were often coupled with calls for more teachers who were themselves of West Indian origin since it was felt that they would be better able to understand the needs of West Indian pupils and to further reinforce the pupils' self-image and motivation by acting as models of 'successful' West Indians.

'Supplementary' Schools

From the late 1960s onwards there was also a proliferation of West Indian 'supplementary' schools - community-based classes held in the evenings or at weekends where West Indian pupils could not only receive additional help from West Indian teachers with their mainstream school work, but could also learn about their community's background and cultural heritage in what was seen as a 'supportive' environment.

3.3.6 During the 1970s the emphasis shifted from advocating specific 'separate' provision within mainstream schools - in the form of Black Studies - to a greater desire to see aspects of West Indian language and culture included within the existing curriculum. This changing emphasis was reflected in much of the evidence submitted to the SCORRI when it devoted its 1976-7 session to considering the West Indian community (9). One of the major recommendations of the Select Committee's report was for an inquiry into the education of West Indian pupils which in turn of course led to the establishment of this Committee, with a rather wider brief but still with the needs of West Indian pupils foremost amongst our concerns.

(9) 'The West Indian Community.' Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 1976/7. HMSO. HC 180-1.


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Concerns of the Asian Community

3.3.7 During the lifetime of this Committee, there has been a marked shift in emphasis from the previous focus on the West Indian situation, to greater concern about aspects of the educational experience of pupils from the various Asian groups. Since the Asian community became established in this country rather later than the West Indian community, it is hardly surprising that only in recent years have Asian parents, teachers and community representatives begun to make known their concerns about their children's education. Whilst sharing some of the concerns already voiced by the West Indian community about, for example, the balance and content of the curriculum, the need for more teachers drawn from their own community, and above all, the pervasive influence of racism both within schools and in the wider society, the Asian community has also broadened the debate considerably by raising two further issues: firstly, the responsibility of the education system for the maintenance and teaching of the children's 'mother tongue' languages; and, secondly, whether existing schools can provide an educational environment which parents will find acceptable in terms of their religious beliefs - for example in relation to religious education and pastoral matters.

'Mother Tongue'

3.3.8 Interest within education circles about the first of these issues - 'mother tongue' - can be seen to date back to the discussion in the Bullock Report (10) of the language needs of 'children from families of overseas origin', which as well as stressing the need for a positive attitude to West Indian dialect, also emphasised the significance of there being large numbers of pupils in British schools with 'mother tongues' other than English, thus:

'Their bilingualism is of great importance to the children and their families, and also to society as a whole. In a linguistically conscious nation in the modern world we should see it as an asset, as something to be nurtured, and one of the agencies which should nurture it is the school. Certainly the school should adopt a positive attitude to its pupils' bilingualism and wherever possible should help maintain and deepen their knowledge of their mother tongues.'
The growing concern of many Asian parents, together with parents from some 'European' ethnic minorities notably Italians, at their children losing touch with their cultural heritages through the absence of any form of 'support' for their home languages and the risk of their children's ethnic identity being 'submerged' by the influence of English, did not however receive wide attention until the EC

(10) 'A Language for Life.' Report of a Committee of Inquiry Chaired by Sir Alan Bullock. HMSO. 1975.


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Directive on the Education of Children of Migrant Workers in 1977 which was seen by many community leaders as entitling ethnic minority children to 'mother tongue teaching'. In recent years therefore the 'mother tongue' issue has come to be seen as a central issue in the debate on multicultural education and we therefore discuss this issue in some detail in our Chapter on Language.

Pastoral Matters

3.3.9 Concern about what can broadly be termed pastoral matters has been felt by Asian parents and particularly Muslims since the early days of their arrival in this country when their children first entered school and were confronted with facilities for meals and dress which brought them into direct conflict with the requirements of their religious beliefs. Strength of feeling about such matters has increased as the size of the Asian pupil population has grown and as the concentration of Asian pupils in particular schools and areas has become more marked. The world-wide resurgence of Islam and the accompanying emphasis on fundamental Islamic principles since the beginning of the decade has also clearly had a direct bearing on the Muslim community in this country, causing them to be more vociferous and determined in their efforts to bring about changes in the 'rules and regulations' affecting such matters within schools and encouraging parents to recognise and respect their religious 'rights and duties' in relation to their children's education.

'Separate' Schools

The logical conclusion of such moves has been seen by some sections of these communities as the establishment of their own voluntary or independent schools and we discuss the implications of this trend which has received considerable publicity in recent months - in our Chapter on Religion and the Role of the School later in this report.

3.3.10 It is important to recognise that neither West Indian nor Asian parents, as distinct from some teachers and community workers from these groups, have pressed for what could be described as 'multicultural' education involving all pupils. In expressing their concerns about specific issues, such as a school's treatment of West Indian language or its policies with regard to meals or uniform, the parents have simply sought to improve the educational provision which their children receive. Certainly our own discussions with parents have tended to focus on specific issues such as 'mother tongue' or racism in school textbooks, rather than on the educational experience as a whole. Multicultural education can thus perhaps be seen as the response of the education system - educational theorists, educational administrators and teachers - to the wide range of concerns expressed by ethnic minority communities, as well as to the 'problems' experienced by multi-racial schools in catering for the needs of their pupils. In seeking to encompass such a wide and varied range of concerns and interests it is perhaps hardly surprising that firm definitions and analyses of multicultural education prove so elusive.


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Criticisms of Multicultural Education

3.3.11 The concept of multicultural education has of course had its critics, quite apart from those people who have simply rejected it out of hand as 'progressive, left-wing, trendy nonsense'. One of the major criticisms has been of the emphasis on 'culture' - a term which is itself rarely clearly defined and is thus open to a myriad of interpretations - and which is often seen as avoiding the more central issues of race, prejudice and power. Multicultural education has also been criticised for failing to face up to or challenge what is regarded as the most fundamental influence on the situation of ethnic minorities in this country i.e. racism. Adherents of this view have argued that a consideration of the origins and influence' of racism' should be integral features of an education process which truly seeks to prepare all pupils for life in a multi-racial society. As one writer has put it (11):

'Racist attitudes and low teacher expectations arising from negative and demeaning stereotypes do exist and have to be come to terms with and changed. This, in turn, will require fundamental changes of attitude, the first step along the road to which is the recognition of the social and ethnic discrimination legitimised by the educational system which we have constructed. To make such a statement is not to place in question the immense good will of the vast majority of teachers, not to label them as racists, but rather to draw attention to their role in servicing a system which has institutionalised racial and social discrimination so effectively.'
3.3.12 Other critics of multicultural education have argued that it is in fact little more than a form of subtle racism itself, and that by seeking to 'co-opt' aspects of a particular ethnic group's culture or lifestyle, by drawing on them in the curriculum, schools are attempting to 'take over' and thereby destroy ethnic minority communities' sense of identity and group cohesiveness. As one writer has put it (12):
'As interpreted and practised by many, multi-racial education has appeared to become an instrument of control and stability rather than one of change, of the subordination rather than the freedom of blacks in schools and or society as a whole. In the context of schools and against a wider societal background of institutionalised racism, multi-racial education programmes, from the assimilationist's view on English teaching to the integrationist's stance on multicultural and black studies, have in fact integrally contributed to the increased alienation of black
(11) Chapter on 'Educational theory and practice of Multi-Cultural education.' by James Lynch from 'Teaching in the Multi-Cultural School.' ed. J Lynch. Ward Lock Educational. 1981.

(12) Chapter on 'Multiracial Education in Britain: From Assimilation to Cultural Pluralism' by Dr C Mullard from 'Race Migration and Schooling.' ed. J Tierney. Holt Education. 1982.


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youth. To be told, however politely and cleverly, that your culture and history count for nothing is to invoke responses ranging from low self esteem and lack of confidence ... to political opposition and resistance. To be told that your culture and history count for something only within the pedagogic boundaries of the school curriculum and not outside the school gates in the white dominated world of work and politics is to foster the response of a 'blacks only for the black studies class'. To be goaded to integrate politically and then in practice to take up your place at the bottom of society with as much of your culture intact as is permitted is, to extend Gus John's conclusion, a madness that not even a mad and subordinated black can any longer contemplate. Simply, what multi-racial education, as viewed in British schools, is teaching black pupils is that they will always remain second-class citizens; and, ironically, that in order to survive or exist as blacks it is necessary to resist racist authority within and outside school.'
3.3.13 Another line of criticism of multicultural education, which represents a rather different viewpoint is that it constitutes simply another form of 'compensatory' education, essentially no different from assimilationist programmes, designed to counter the assumed 'disadvantages' of ethnic minority children, and particularly West Indians, through 'special provision' which is inherently inferior, and which has visibly failed to achieve its objectives. As one West Indian researcher (13) has put it:
'... MRE (Multiracial education) is conceptually unsound ... its theoretical and practical implications have not been worked out and ... it represents a developing feature of urban education aimed at 'watering down' the curriculum and 'cooling out' black city children while at the same time creating for teachers, both radical and liberal, the illusion that they are doing something special/or a particularly disadvantaged group. Many of the ideas of MRE draw upon the social-pathology analysis of the black personality, lifestyle and family arrangements. Although explicitly rejecting labels of inferiority it argues instead for 'difference' - meaning exactly the same thing ... The aims of multi-racial education are tied in with the cultural deprivation theory which aims to compensate working-class children for being culturally deprived (of middle class culture) and black children for not being white ... it takes schools and teachers away from their central concern which is basically teaching or instructing children in the knowledge and skills essential to life in this society. It effectively reduces choice and creates dependence on experts and professionals which undermines the individual's own capacity to cope.'
(13) 'The Education of the Black Child in Britain - The Myth of Multi-racial Education.' Maureen Stone. Fontana. 1981.


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3.3.14 In our interim report we noted the tendency of some schools to regard multicultural education simply as a separate 'module' added on to the existing formal curriculum and as catering solely for ethnic minority pupils. This approach has been described as the 'steel band syndrome' since, in schools with West Indian pupils, it often takes the form of encouraging these pupils to establish their own steel band thus, in theory at least, respecting their cultural identity and manifesting the 'multicultural awareness' of the school. To some extent, such a response can be seen to derive from the West Indian community's own calls, in the 1960s, for 'Black Studies', although as we have seen, the community has now moved away from advocating such separate provision. In relation to the Asian community however the situation is rather more complex since some of the educational measures for which they have pressed - most notably religious instruction and the maintenance of 'mother tongue' languages - can in some respects be seen to necessitate such 'separate' provision. On the general level, however, the inherent attractiveness of relying on such 'special' provision to meet the needs of ethnic minority pupils can easily be discerned in view of the continuing desire of many in education to adhere to one of the fundamental principles of the assimilationist philosophy - that whatever provision is made for ethnic minority pupils, there should be as little disturbance as possible of the education of their indigenous peers. This view is summed up in the following quotation from the 1973 Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration:

'... in understanding and providing for the difficulties of minorities, care has to be taken not to overcome them by reversing well-tried policies or, in deference to real or imagined susceptibilities, by bending a system evolved to suit the majority so far as to unhinge it altogether.'
Concern About Racism

3.3.15 During the last few years the debate on multicultural education has begun to shift again, towards a greater emphasis on the role of education in challenging and countering racism, both within schools and in the wider society. This change in emphasis can be seen as one aspect of the generally increasing level of awareness of the existence of racism combined with the greater willingness to discuss its possible effects, which we noted at the beginning of our Chapter on Racism. Our own interim report and Lord Scarman's report have of course also helped to focus attention on this issue, as have the activities of 'concerned' organisations such as the National Union of Teachers, which, in its booklet 'Combating Racism in Schools' (14), made the following comments:

(14) 'Combating Racism in Schools. A Union Policy Statement: guidance for members.' NUT. March 1983 (revised edition).


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'Teachers in schools have a responsibility to educate their pupils for life in a multi-racial, culturally diverse society. Their task is hampered by racial attitudes and prejudices present in society which affect pupils in schools and the climate in which they learn. The Union believes that a positive approach to multicultural education will be strengthened by a firm stand on the part of teachers in combating racism in schools ...'
This concern with racism is not yet however regarded by the majority of teachers as a valid part of multicultural education as they perceive it, and this omission has often led to criticism of the concept of multicultural education as such and a demand for 'antiracist' education in its stead.

The role of teachers

3.3.16 Another of the major focuses of multicultural education has increasingly been the role of teachers and the extent to which the teaching force as a whole is equipped both to cater for the particular needs of ethnic minority pupils and also to prepare all children for life in a multi-racial society. As HMI Eric Bolton has observed however, again in his article on the development of multicultural education (see paragraph 2.8):

'The complexity of the educational and social issues involved gives teachers a very onerous and difficult task to perform - a task most of them were not prepared for in their teacher training nor in their own experiences of life.'
As early as 1964, the Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council had observed, in its second report, that:
'Not all teachers have immigrant children in their classes but all teachers should have some knowledge of the problems and opportunities of a multi-racial society ... Those responsible for planning the social studies undertaken in training colleges will, we hope, bear in mind that future British society is going to contain citizens of many races.'
We discuss in our Chapter on Teacher Education, later in this report, the contribution of the teacher training system to the development of multicultural education over the years. Another dimension of the role of teachers in relation to multicultural education which has also long been the subject of concern, especially among the ethnic minority communities themselves, has been the limited number of teachers who are themselves from these communities, and who might therefore be able to offer particular help and support to ethnic minority pupils - an issue which we also discuss in our Teachers Chapter.


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Policies of Central Government

General Policies Relating to Immigration and Nationality

3.3.17 Having looked briefly at the way in which the focus of multicultural education has changed over the past decade or so and the various factors which have influenced the debate about its aims and objectives, we now need to consider the way in which the policies of central government relating to ethnic minorities during this period have responded to and reflected these various needs and concerns. Before considering the specifically 'educational' aspects of central government's policies in relation to the needs of ethnic minority groups, it may be worthwhile recalling briefly the development of successive governments' overall policies towards 'immigrants' on the broader level.

3.3.18 From 1947 onwards the general welfare of what were then perceived as 'colonial' peoples coming to work and settle in Britain was the responsibility of the Colonial Office Welfare Service. In 1956, the Colonial Office set up the British Caribbean Welfare Service, which subsequently moved out of the Colonial Office and assumed an independent existence. The Home Office then became responsible for colonial, or Commonwealth immigrants' affairs, since the policies being proposed, but not yet implemented, for tackling 'immigration' fell into two categories: control over entry, and laws against racial discrimination. Very little positive action of any kind was undertaken at this time by central government to inform or assist the ethnic minorities. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 was concerned entirely with controlling the entry and settlement of colonial and Commonwealth citizens, and no attempt was made at the time to legislate against discrimination: the only positive step was to establish a Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council to review the situation. Positive action was thus left entirely to voluntary effort.

3.3.19 In 1964 the then government established a Department of Economic Affairs with a Minister with specific responsibility for co-ordinating policy on immigrants. But in 1965 a White Paper on immigration (15), despite including a section on the positive economic benefits of immigration and the lack of problems caused by it, introduced proposals for limiting Commonwealth immigration much more closely than before by a system of work vouchers and by new limitations on dependent relatives. Positive action was however taken to reshape the former Advisory Council into a National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants (NCCI), which saw its role as the promotion and co-ordination of harmonious community

(15) 'Immigration from the Commonwealth.' Cmnd. 2739. HMSO. August 1965.


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relations. In the same year, the first Race Relations Act became law, and established a Race Relations Board, with virtually no powers except powers to 'conciliate', if it could, on receiving a complaint of discrimination within a very limited field which did not include housing, employment, or education. The Act also made racial incitement a criminal offence, but one where only the Attorney General could initiate a prosecution.

3.3.20 In 1968, two new laws were passed: a Commonwealth Immigrants Act which removed right of entry from British Asians in East Africa and a Race Relations Act, greatly widened in scope, to include housing, employment and many services, but again with very limited powers for the Board. The Act also established a new statutory body, the Community Relations Commission, to replace the NCCL The new Commission was given a larger budget and wider powers to grant-aid voluntary bodies on its own terms and to initiate projects. It developed some of the work already begun by the NCCI but unlike the NCCI, which had been appointed to advise the Prime Minister, it advised the Home Secretary on matters relating to Commonwealth immigrants, and 'community relations' in general. In 1969, an Immigration Appeals Act was passed, establishing a structure under which immigrants could appeal against refusal of entry, refusal to vary conditions of stay and, in some circumstances, against deportation. The provisions of this Act, with a few changes, were incorporated into the 1971 Immigration Act, which established a single regime of control on entry and after entry over aliens and Commonwealth citizens and also empowered the Home Secretary to make Immigration Rules at any time. From around 1970, by which time the entry of Commonwealth immigrants for work had virtually ceased under the increasingly strict requirements which the Department of Employment had established for work vouchers, ethnic minority affairs became almost entirely the responsibility of the Home Office. The emphasis of central government policy, and the bulk of expenditure, was on immigration control rather than upon community relations work and anti-discrimination initiatives. Wide though the theoretical scope of the bodies set up to deal with the latter two was, the positive achievements they could point to were small in comparison with the impact of successive Immigration Acts and Rules on the lives of ethnic minorities and upon public perceptions of 'immigration' and 'race'. As has been observed (16):

'... the effectiveness of the Race Relations Act is and will continue to be undermined by discriminatory immigration
(16) 'Race and Law.' A Lester and G Bindman. Penguin. 1972.


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laws. The use of such laws to prevent immigration to Britain from the coloured Commonwealth inevitably impairs the Race Relations Board's endeavours to persuade employers' trade unions, local authorities and commercial undertakings to treat people regardless of colour or race, and encourages profound insecurity among Commonwealth immigrants in Britain.'
3.3.21 The Race Relations Act 1976 extended the scope of anti-discrimination coverage and amalgamated the Race Relations Board and Community Relations Commission into a new Commission for Racial Equality, responsible to, and funded by, the Home Office. In April 1977 a Green Paper was published proposing changes to British nationality law, which would leave the existing immigration control structure untouched but would remove the possibility of transmission of British nationality to wives and children from male citizens of the colonies and from the remaining British Asians in East Africa. In 1981 the British Nationality Act was passed amid considerable controversy and there was some confusion about whether it was really a nationality measure or rather an immigration law 'in disguise'. Logically however it marked a further step on the same road that immigration laws had followed since 1962.

Educational Policies

3.3.22 Turning to education, the development of government thinking can, we feel, best be traced through a consideration of some of the major reports and publications which appeared at various times. DES Survey 13 'The Education of Immigrants', which was published in 1971, can be seen as following very closely the assumptions and objectives of central government pronouncements of the 1960s, with its continuing emphasis on the teaching of English, as:

'the most urgent single challenge facing the schools';
DES Survey 13

This report also, however, in seeking to emphasise the need for schools to have some knowledge of a pupil's home background, inadvertently included some of the clearest manifestations of stereotypes of different groups, most notably perhaps the following picture of a West Indian child and his home and family background which can in many respects, as we have already emphasised in our Racism Chapter, be seen to persist in the minds of many teachers even today:

'For the West Indian child the change can be more radical. He is accustomed to living together with two or three generations in the same house, dependent not so much on his mother as upon a number of adults among whom his grandmother holds a special place. The environment is one in which marriage is

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not always considered important in providing a secure basis for raising children, whilst family discipline may be strict and physical punishment for misbehaviour all too familiar. He leaves behind this often repressive, but affectionate and known home environment to join his mother from whom he may have been separated for several years, almost a stranger among new unknown brothers and sisters, possibly disliking and not fully accepted by the unknown father with whom his mother may be living, and perhaps, if very young, sent out to child-minders while his parents go out to work. Little wonder that the sense of insecurity these conditions create often brings in its train emotional disturbance and maladjustment and that in school such a child will often exhibit behaviour problems. He may be restless and boisterous, displaying hostility towards adults and other children, showing little ability to concentrate or to apply himself for long to the job in hand - or else retreat depressed and uncommunicative into a withdrawn world.'
There were however some signs in this report of a growing realisation on the part of central government that the issue of 'immigrant education' might be rather more complex than had been previously admitted. For example, in relation to its earlier advocacy of dispersal, the government now took the somewhat equivocal view that:
'It is difficult to measure the contribution of dispersal or non-dispersal to the success or otherwise of an authority's policy for the education of immigrant children ... It remains for each local education authority to decide what its policy for the education of immigrant children should be, and it is hoped that authorities will keep their arrangements (including any dispersal arrangements) under review in the light of local developments and the changing educational needs of pupils.'
Influence of Racism

Whilst this line represented a marked lessening in the government's previous enthusiasm for dispersal, the report did not, as has been claimed, state that dispersal was wrong, and indeed, as we have already recalled, several LEAs continued to 'bus' ethnic minority children well into the 1970s. This report was also significant in that it acknowledged the existence of racism in society and the influence which this might have on teachers' attitudes:

'The (immigrant) child is very much a stranger in a strange land and may encounter hostility from members of the white community' ... 'Teachers and others in education need to recognise that they are no less prone than anyone else to feelings

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of prejudice or even acts of discrimination and to realise that their attitudes, their interests and their example to a very great extent shape the personalities of those in whose hands lies the fate of coming generations.'
Perception of Ethnic Minorities as 'Disadvantaged'

- and also raised the question which was subsequently to dominate much of the thinking on ethnic minority education during the 1970s: whether the problems faced by immigrant children were in essence any different from those facing children from the majority community regarded as coming from 'disadvantaged' backgrounds. As the report observed:

'Some argue that where there are immigrant educational difficulties these differ in no way from those encountered in educating native-born children living in socially and culturally deprived areas. It is in such areas that very many immigrant children live - in the ugly, bare, built-up 'twilight areas' - badly housed, lacking social, cultural and recreational amenities, attending schools with frequent staff changes, in poor buildings. They share all the difficulties of environmental deprivation known to native-born children living in these same areas. They frequently appear to suffer the same emotional disturbance the same inarticulateness and difficulty with language, the same insecure approach to school and school work, the same unsatisfactory attitudes in social relationships - all of which affect their life and general progress in school.'
The assimilationist view had, as we have seen, tended to regard immigrant children as, by definition, 'remedial' but had nevertheless felt that their very particular needs could be remedied by short-term, ad hoc measures. Now that it was becoming clear that the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils were not so easily met, the report was thus lending weight to a new stereotype which was emerging of ethnic minority pupils as suffering from what was traditionally termed the 'cycle of cumulative disadvantage'. This move towards seeing ethnic minority groups simply as 'disadvantaged' was in general resented and resisted by the ethnic minority communities themselves since as the Open University coursebook 'Ethnic Minorities and Education' (17) has put it:
'To them it implied that 'immigrants' could be lumped together in a crude, undifferentiated way with the most unfortunate members of the indigenous community.'
(17) 'Ethnic Minorities and Education.' (E354 - Block 4 Units 13 and 14.) The Open University Press. 1982.


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'Inner City' Dimension

Since the education system had not succeeded in devising an education appropriate to the needs of the disadvantaged indigenous communities, it was therefore suggested by implication that the needs of ethnic minority pupils were simply another aspect of this wider problem. A further dimension of this new stereotype of ethnic minorities as, by definition, disadvantaged was the correlation which was increasingly drawn between their situation and the 'plight' of the inner-cities which was the subject of increasing public concern during the 1970s. As the 1975 White Paper on 'Racial Discrimination' (18) put it:

'... the problems of racial disadvantage can be seen to occur typically in the context of an urban problem whose nature is only imperfectly understood. There is no modern industrial society which has not experienced a similar difficulty. None has so far succeeded in resolving it.'
The tendency to see the need of ethnic minority groups, and particularly the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils, as simply part of a far broader, and to some extent insoluble, problem of inner city disadvantage. This is still often put forward today as in some way explaining and excusing lack of progress in developing multicultural education and combating the underachievement of particular ethnic minority groups, but as we shall see in Chapter 3, the problem is more complex. Whilst, as we have emphasised in the previous Chapter, ethnic minority communities can in general be seen to suffer from a considerable degree of deprivation in a number of fields such as employment and housing, the very particular circumstances which have exacerbated this situation, notably the influence of racism, must we feel be taken into account and it is therefore a considerable oversimplification of a complex situation to ascribe the same motives, aspirations, expectations and general outlook to ethnic minority communities as to deprived indigenous communities simply by reason of their outwardly similar circumstances. It is also misleading to regard ethnic minorities solely in the context of the inner city problem since they were in fact already to be found in many parts of the country outside the major inner city areas - in for example many smaller towns in the rural North of England and the Midlands.

SCORRI Report 1972-1973

3.3.23 The SCORRI report of 1972-1973 on Education expressed concern about a number of aspects of the education of ethnic minority children and put forward three main recommendations:

(18) 'Racial Discrimination,' Cmnd 6234. HMSO. September 1975.


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'First, that consideration be given to the establishment of a central fund to which local education authorities could apply for resources to meet the special educational needs of immigrant children and adults; second, the local education authorities should be required, as a condition of using the Department's resources and services, to report regularly and fully on the situation in their area and what they are doing about it; third, that an immigrant education advisory unit should be set up in the Department of Education and Science.'
Government White Paper 1974

The Government's response to the SCORRI report (19) reaffirmed the trend towards seeing ethnic minority needs within the overall context of disadvantage, as follows:

'Where immigrants and their descendants live in the older urban and industrial areas, the majority of their children are likely to share with the indigenous children of those areas the educational disadvantages associated with an impoverished environment. The Government believe that immigrant pupils will accordingly benefit increasingly from special help given to all those suffering from educational disadvantage. They accept the Select Committee's view that many of those born here, of all minority ethnic groups, will experience continuing difficulties, which must receive special attention from the education service. But others, including many children and adults of indigenous origin, also have particular problems to which the education service must respond; and in large, if not in complete, measure much the same effort and attention will be called for. The pattern of special help must thus provide for all those suffering educational disadvantage, taking account of the distinct needs of different ethnic groups and of individuals, whatever their origin ... The Government believe that it is necessary to make more formal arrangements for the development of the work which is now being done on the education of immigrants and education for a multi-racial society. But they also see a need to provide for all those suffering from educational disadvantage, and ... they have decided that the arrangements which they create, while allowing for any distinct educational needs of different ethnic groups, should have this broader concern.'
Establishment of EDU and CED

The Government accordingly set up a specialist Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) within the DES to oversee '... matters, at all stages of education, connected with educational disadvantage and

(19) 'Educational Disadvantage and the Educational Needs of Immigrants.' Cmnd 5720. HMSO. August 1974.


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the education of immigrants' and charged it with setting up an 'information centre' relating to its field of interest - subsequently established as the Centre for Information and Advice on Educational Disadvantage (CED). The Select Committee's recommendation for a 'central fund' was rejected on the grounds that Section 11 (which as we have already seen was firmly rooted in the assimilationist tradition) and the Urban Aid programme (again identifying ethnic minorities simply as 'inner-city dwellers') already catered for the needs of 'immigrants' and that the concept of a central fund might undermine local authorities' autonomy. It is perhaps hardly surprising that these further indications of the government's view of ethnic minority needs under the overall heading of 'disadvantage' were opposed by many ethnic minority representatives at the time.

Ethnically Based Statistics

The Select Committee report had discussed the appropriateness and validity of the 7(i) statistics of 'immigrant' children which the DES had continued to collect (see paragraph 2.6 above). They had concluded that the definitions used were unsatisfactory and that the data obtained did not accordingly reflect the multi-racial mix of school populations and had recommended therefore that:

'The collection of statistics under the present formula should cease forthwith.'
In its response, the government confirmed that it had already discontinued the collection of the 7(i) statistics but, because of the failure of consultations with interested parties to produce any more satisfactory basis for statistical returns, no alternative arrangements for the collection of ethnically-based educational statistics had been made in their stead.

SCORRI Report 1976/1977

3.3.24 SCORRI devoted its 1976/77 session to considering the West Indian community. (20) In its evidence to them, the DES reiterated the view that the needs of the West Indian community had much in common with those of the disadvantaged sections of the indigenous community:

'... the West Indian community suffers disproportionately from some disadvantages which can be seen to depress the educational performance of indigenous children too - such as high proportions of families with the main breadwinner in unskilled work or in poor housing ... the phenomenon of low average attainment will not disappear with the ending of
(20) 'The West Indian Community.' Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. February 1977. HMSO. HC 180 I-III.


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immigration from the Caribbean ... For (immigrants) from the West Indies ... it is generally argued that in many respects they need not so much discrete provision as better opportunities to benefit from educational services, which should also be open to indigenous people with similar needs ....'
The Select Committee was unconvinced that the educational problems of West Indian pupils were simply a symptom of their community's degree of 'disadvantage' and concluded that:
'... the relative underachievement of West Indian children seriously affects their future employment prospects and is a matter of major importance both in educational terms and in the context of race relations. They (i.e. the Select Committee) regard the assumption of its continuance as unacceptable.'
Establishment of this Committee

Accordingly they recommended the establishment of 'a high level and independent inquiry into the causes of the underachievement of children of West Indian origin'. In response to this recommendation the government of course established this Committee with a broader remit than originally proposed, in response to the concerns expressed about the educational needs of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups, as well as about the preparation of all pupils for life in a multi-racial and culturally diverse society.

Closure of CED

3.3.25 We now turn to considering government policies during our own lifetime and although in some respects the very existence of this Committee had led to something of a hiatus in policy making in this field there have been several developments which it may be helpful to recall here. In November 1979 the Secretary of State announced his intention to close the Centre for Educational Disadvantage (CED), (see paragraph 3.3.23 above), on the grounds that it had:

'not wholly fulfilled the expectations raised at its foundation and continued grant aid would not provide value for money in meeting the needs of the educationally disadvantaged.' (21)
This announcement caused considerable controversy and it was not until May 1980 that the closure was confirmed. The fate of CED was (20) 'The West Indian Community.' Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. February 1977. HMSO. HC 180 I-III.

(21) House of Commons Hansard Fifth Series Vol 973 Col 729 15 November 1979.


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subsequently raised on the floor of the House of Commons (22) when the proposed closure was challenged as 'not being on educational grounds' and the capacity of HM Inspectorate and the Department's Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) - see paragraph 3.3.23 above - to 'fill the void' created by the closure, as the Secretary of State hoped, was questioned. The then joint Parliamentary Under Secretary of State, replying to the debate, asserted that:

'the closure of the centre does not mean that the government have lost interest in work to combat educational disadvantage - far from it. Through the work of the Inspectorate and the Educational Disadvantage Unit in the Department, we shall continue to be involved in these matters ... at national level we shall remain involved in and concerned about all aspects of work to combat educational disadvantage.'
The extent to which the education of ethnic minority pupils was by this time seen by the government as synonymous with educational disadvantage was clearly manifested by the following reference by the Minister to this Committee in the course of the debate:
'the existence of the Committee is a clear indication of our continuing concern for those who face educational disadvantage.'
Our Interim Report and the Government's Response

3.3.26 Our interim report was submitted to the Secretary of State in February 1981 and was published in June that year. In July 1981 the Home Affairs Committee published its report (23) on Racial Disadvantage which also included a section on education (see paragraph 3.3.25). In October 1981 the DES issued to the local authority associations, teacher unions and other interested organisations, a consultative document relating both to our recommendations and to those on educational issues in the Home Affairs Committee's report. The Government's response to the Home Affairs Committee's report, drawing on the findings of the consultation exercise, was published in January 1982 (24) and in this the government undertook to respond to our interim report:

'in the early part of 1982.'
(22) House of Commons Hansard 11 June 1980 Cols 757-772.

(23) Fifth Report from the Home Affairs Committee. 1980/1981. 'Racial Disadvantage.' HC 424 I-III.

(24) Racial Disadvantage - The Government Reply to the Fifth Report from the Home Affairs Committee Session 1980-81 HC 424 Cmnd 8476.


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In November 1982 the Home Office issued revised guidelines (25) on the administration of grants under Section 11 thus implementing the recommendation we had made in this area in our interim report. The only one of our recommendations addressed to the DES to which there has as yet been a formal response is in relation to the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis on which, in evidence to the Home Affairs Committee in July 1982 (26) the Secretary of State stated his intention:

'... to explore, on the basis of the cautious approbation from consultation, with the local education authorities and the teachers and the ethnic minorities, how statistics might be collected so as to avoid the bureaucratic dangers, so as to respect confidentiality ... and so as to try to achieve the monitoring that is sought without damaging consequences, or worrying consequences.'
We understand that in October 1983 a Working Group was established by the DES, with membership drawn from the ethnic minorities, the Commission for Racial Equality, local authority associations and teacher unions, to consider how the Secretary of State's undertaking might be put into practice. (The Group's terms of reference relate only to the collection of statistics within schools however and do not therefore concern the other recommendations which we put forward in our interim report concerning the collection of ethnically based statistics by teacher training institutions, universities, polytechnics and colleges of higher education and by the DES in its school leavers survey and in relation to teachers in employment.) The outcome of the Group's deliberations are still awaited.

Home Affairs Committee Report 1981

3.3.27 The Home Affairs Committee in its 1981 Report on 'Racial Disadvantage' found the efforts being made to meet the educational need of ethnic minority pupils 'unimpressive'. They expressed particular concern about the effectiveness of the DES Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) - see paragraph 3.3.23 above - in the field of multicultural education thus:

'We are not convinced that the Unit has in the past achieved much beyond "informal discussion and talk" with the Inspectorate and within the Department. Its only positive achievement referred to in evidence was the establishment of
(25) Home Office Circular 97/82.

(26) Minutes of evidence. Home Affairs Committee Sub-Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 12 July 1982 HC 405-(i)-(iv).


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the Rampton Committee, which was of course the result of a recommendation made in 1977 by the former Select Committee. A unit concerned exclusively with multi-racial education rather than with the whole range of educational disadvantage arising from social deprivation would be better placed to advise the Secretary of State on questions such as mother tongue teaching or the language problems of West Indian children.'
Above all, the Home Affairs Committee focused attention on the risks inherent in viewing ethnic minority educational needs strictly in the context of educational disadvantage which they regarded as 'typified' by the establishment of the CED and the EDU - a tendency which, as we have seen, has characterised the government's approach to multicultural education since the early 1970s. The Home Affairs Committee observed:
'many of the disadvantages suffered by ethnic minority children are shared by other children from socially deprived backgrounds. Some ethnic minority children do not suffer these disadvantages, and others achieve well in spite of them. There is indeed a danger of ethnic minority pupils being stereotyped as problems ... ethnic minority underachievement is not inherent in ethnic minority pupils.'
To counter this danger, the Home Affairs Committee recommended that:
'the Department of Education and Science review their administrative arrangements with a view to setting up a Unit concerned solely with multi-racial education.'
In their White Paper on Racial Disadvantage in response to the Home Affairs Committee Report, the government stated that they had:
'carefully considered this recommendation (and had) concluded that, within existing manpower constraints, the present arrangements within the Department of Education and Science are the most effective means of co-ordinating its policy in relation to multi-ethnic education. Under these arrangements, the Educational Disadvantage Unit, acting with and through the other branches of the Department and with the advice of HM Inspectorate, is involved not only with disadvantage but also with multi-ethnic education. The fact that the work of the Unit covers both aspects does not lessen the ability of the Department as a whole to consider issues related to multi-ethnic education.'


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Broad Conclusions on Central Government Policy

3.3.28 A number of broad conclusions can we believe be drawn about central government's role in the emergence of multicultural education over the past decade or so. In the early days, government pronouncements appear to have been much influenced by assimilationist thinking with little real attempt to give a lead to a more positive view of ethnic minority pupil's educational needs. To some extent at least, policy making in this field seems also to have been unduly distorted by political considerations and particularly by concern at the possible impact on majority public opinion of appearing to adopt a more constructive approach to ethnic minority needs. The subsequent attempts to relegate multicultural education to an aspect of 'educational disadvantage' and to subsume ethnic minority needs within the wider 'inner city problem', seem difficult to comprehend on educational grounds and in many ways appear to belie the public pronouncements of a commitment to a broader concept of multiculturalism. It is important to recall that the establishment of this Committee, which could be seen as an attempt to give due recognition to the need for positive progress in the field of multicultural education, came only in response to a Select Committee recommendation and not as part of a central government strategy. The absence of a full response to our interim report, which was specifically requested by the government, can also perhaps be regarded as evidence of the extent of genuine concern and commitment to this field of work and indeed this view was expressed by many of the organisations which submitted evidence to us for this report, for example the National Union of Teachers, in their published evidence (27), observed that:

'... the so far lukewarm (or even non-existent) response on the part of the government to the Rampton interim report ... does not inspire confidence among teachers working in schools that the measures they deem necessary have official support and backing.'
The various criticisms voiced by Select Committees as to the appropriateness and effectiveness of arrangements within the DES itself to give a lead in the development of multicultural education do not appear to have been fully answered. All in all, central government appears to have lacked a coherent strategy for fostering the development of multicultural education and thus to have been unable to play a leading role in co-ordinating or encouraging progress in this field.

(27) 'Education for a Multicultural Society - Evidence to the Swann Committee of Inquiry. Submitted by the NUT.' Published May 1982.


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LEA and School Policies

3.3.29 In considering the evolution of multicultural education it is also essential to look at the way in which policies have been developed and put into practice at LEA level and with individual schools. Whilst there are similarities between central and local government attitudes, and in several respects, policy at the centre, for example in relation to funding arrangements, has directly conditioned local government's practices, it is noticeable that there have been a number of occasions when policies in particular LEAs and schools have varied considerably from the line of government thinking. In some cases, as with the rejection by some LEAs of the policy of dispersal, this has been because broad policy approaches have been considered to be impracticable or unworkable, or because individual teachers or LEA officials have felt national policies to be inappropriate to the actual school situation.

Varying Approaches to Multicultural Education

3.3.30 In the absence of any detailed guidance from the centre about what actually constitutes 'multicultural education', many of the most important initiatives in this field have arisen from the effort and commitment of individuals or small groups of people around the country, for example devising their own guidelines for reviewing the curriculum or establishing working parties to discuss issues of concern. Whilst such local initiatives have clearly contributed greatly to thinking on multicultural education they have also led to the very wide variation in approaches to this area of work which are to be found between different LEAs and between schools within the same LEA. This has contributed to the general confusion as to the precise meaning and content of multicultural education. Also, where initiatives in this field can be seen as the direct result of perhaps one teacher's particular enthusiasm and interest, this has also meant that the basis of such work and the extent to which it is built into a school or LEA 'strategy' can be rather tenuous. There is always a risk that if the key personality or group of people move elsewhere that their work will simply 'fade away' without them. It is also apparent from the variety of approaches to multicultural education in different LEAs that developments in this field are often related to the presence of ethnic minority pupils in schools, with, in effect, the greater the number of ethnic minority pupils, the greater the efforts on multicultural education. This apparent belief that multicultural education is relevant only because of the presence of ethnic minority pupils, and by implication therefore, not otherwise, was clearly demonstrated to us by those LEAs we consulted, where ethnic minority settlement was confined to one particular area within the Authority who stressed that multicultural education was therefore 'only of relevance to' or 'only practised in' that area and was a matter therefore not for 'County Hall' but for a particular district/area/divisional education office.


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3.3.31 It is also noticeable that the 'type' of multicultural education found in a particular LEA seems determined by the nature of the ethnic minority communities there - for example in LEAs where pupils of West Indian origin form a substantial part of the school population, the emphasis tends to have been on measures to overcome West Indian underachievement, encouraging the use of West Indian language and the employment of more West Indian teachers etc, whereas in other LEAs with large Asian populations, particularly Muslims, the focus has instead been on measures to meet the community's concerns over matters such as religious education, single sex provision, 'pastoral' issues and 'mother tongue teaching'. This 'tailoring' of multicultural education according to the ethnic minority community in a particular area can we believe be seen as further evidence that the overall objectives and philosophy of multiculturalism have been insufficiently thought out and that what provision is made, is very much in the form of a response to perceived 'problems' or to direct requests from schools or from certain communities for action on particular issues, rather than as part of a coherent and planned strategy. In many respects therefore, multicultural education at local level can be said to have evolved as a range of ad hoc measures which have been 'lumped together' under a common heading but are essentially unrelated. In fact, no less a collection of ad hoc 'emergency' and 'compensatory' measures than characterised the assimilationist phase.

Conclusions of Main Research Studies

3.3.32 The variety of approaches adopted by LEAs and schools to multicultural education has been illustrated by a number of research studies undertaken since the early 1970s. The second NFER review of research discusses the findings of these studies in some detail, but in considering the development of policies relating to multicultural education we ourselves looked at four of the most important such studies, spanning the decade:

- Townsend and Brittan's studies: 'Immigrant Pupils in England: The LEA Response' (1971) and 'Organisation in Multiracial Schools' (1972);

- DES Education Survey 14: 'The Continuing Needs of Immigrants' (1972) (based on a survey of LEAs and schools undertaken by HM Inspectorate);

- Little and Willey's report on 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum' (1983) Schools Council, (based on a project carried out in 1979/80);


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- Young and Connelly's report on 'Policy and Practice in the Multiracial City' (1981) Policy Studies Institute, (based on a project carried out in 1979/81).
The development of multicultural education in multi-racial areas, between the early 1970s and early 1980s, as illustrated by these research studies, can be summarised as follows:

- At the beginning of the 1970s there was a wide variation between LEAs in both their priorities and practices in the multicultural field. The only common factor appeared to be an overwhelming emphasis on meeting the linguistic needs of children for whom English was not a first language - E2L needs. The type of E2L provision made by different authorities varied widely however from full-time separate language centres to part-time language classes on a withdrawal basis within pupils' own schools. Some LEAs were beginning to appoint advisers or administrators with specific responsibilities for 'immigrants' but again the emphasis was chiefly on co-ordinating efforts in relation to language needs rather than any wider considerations. LEAs also varied in the in-service provision which they offered to their teachers in relation to multicultural issues and there was a tendency for such courses as were available to attract only specialists, such as E2L teachers, who were working directly with ethnic minority pupils. Within schools, the main emphasis was again on E2L provision with varying approaches being adopted. Where children with language needs were withdrawn to attend a separate language centre there were generally few links between the staff of the two institutions. The second stage language needs of E2L learners in general received little attention and were, as Townsend and Brittan put it, 'imperfectly understood'. The possible language needs of West Indian pupils tended to be 'equally misunderstood'. There was consequently felt to be a risk for all ethnic minority pupils, but especially West Indians, that their academic ability might be incorrectly assessed and that they might therefore be misplaced in remedial streams or classes. Although the 'pastoral' needs of ethnic minority pupils, for example in relation to school meals or uniform, were not yet found to be a major issue - possibly because schools were only just beginning to find themselves with large numbers of Asian pupils - there were nevertheless already indications of the need for schools and ethnic minority parents to have a better understanding of each other's concerns and for improved home-school links. As far as the curriculum was concerned, as the authors of Education Survey 14 put it, 'very little modification has taken place' and there was indeed little evidence that even the possibility of changes to reflect the multi-racial nature of society had even been considered. Teachers were found to have had little or no preparation, through


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either their initial or in-service training, for the multi-racial context, and to have little background knowledge of ethnic minority groups. Multicultural considerations were rarely considered formally by schools and much reliance was placed on the enthusiasm and initiative of individual teachers. Where relevant courses were available, they were often undersubscribed and few teachers other than specialists attended them. The trend of policies at both LEA and school level at this time therefore seemed to be very much in the assimilationist tradition - that once ethnic minority children had mastered English, their needs would have been fully met and they would then 'settle down' and cease to experience, or cause, educational problems. Little or no attention was given at this time to reaching an understanding of the social and cultural needs of the children or of the wider implications of the changing nature of society. The practices of this period were described by Townsend and Brittan as:

'(an) adaptation of tried and tested procedures to untried and untested circumstances.'
In seeking to build however on earlier educational practices in relation to ethnic minority pupils, which, as we have seen, had very clear and very limited objectives, there was little scope for positive or constructive thinking about the true needs of a genuinely 'multicultural' society.

By the turn of the decade one might have expected considerable progress to have been made but many of the same problems and difficulties mentioned above were revealed by the two later surveys. Indeed Little and Willey's study concluded that LEAs were still:

'at an early stage in beginning the difficult process of adapting a pattern of organisational arrangements established to meet particular needs ... to the wider task of fulfilling the educational needs of all children in a multi-ethnic society.'
Only a minority of LEAs were found to have clear strategies for multicultural education, and E2L teaching was still widely regarded as the central priority. A variety of approaches were adopted to E2L provision but there had been a general move away from separate language centres towards the use of teams of peripatetic E2L teachers working within normal schools. There seemed however to be growing dissatisfaction amongst E2L specialists with the type of language provision which they were able to offer, with a feeling that second stage language needs were still largely neglected and that there needed to be improved language education as a whole - along the lines recommended by the Bullock report. West Indian language needs remained a subject for concern in some areas and there was a more general feeling that the needs of West Indian pupils were still not


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fully understood nor catered for. Also in the language field, there was an increasing awareness at both LEA and school level of issues relating to 'mother tongue' provision - presumably partly as a result of pressure from the Asian community - and some provision in the form of 'mother tongue teaching', although views varied widely as to the desirability of developing or extending such provision. Various approaches had been adopted by LEAs to co-ordinate their efforts in the 'multicultural' field through specialist advisers or administrators and the actual impact of such specialists on schools also varied considerably. More relevant in-service courses seemed to be available than earlier in the decade but there was still concern that they tended to reach only those staff who were already 'converted' to the cause of 'multiculturalism'. Within schools, there seemed to be a growing acceptance, in theory at least, of the need to permeate the whole curriculum with an awareness of the multi-racial nature of society, but little progress seemed yet to have been made in practice in achieving this aim. Indeed there appeared to be a good deal of uncertainty amongst teachers as to how they might revise their work, combined with a residual resistance amongst some to the need to change at all. Although some multi-racial schools were now considering multicultural issues in a structured way, and some had, for example, established staff working parties to review policy. There still seemed to be however a marked lack of clarity as to the precise policy aims to be achieved and a desire for guidance and leadership from the centre. Some changes had taken place in various areas of the curriculum, notably religious education - perhaps because of the particular concern about this subject amongst certain Asian groups - and there had been some attempts to seek to identify and counter racism within the school, but elsewhere efforts had tended to be at best, as Young and Connelly put it, 'cautious'. Some efforts had been made to improve home-school links with ethnic minority parents but it was still felt that much more remained to be done in this respect. Over 'pastoral' matters, there had been 'problems', but attempts had been made to issue guidance and advice to schools and teachers and there was now at least a greater awareness of the difficulties which could arise. Teachers generally were still felt to have been inadequately prepared by their training for dealing with the situation which faced them and although it was often acknowledged that the presence of more ethnic minority teachers might be particularly valuable, there were found to be very few such teachers actually in schools. When compared with the position some ten years previously it can be seen that whilst some of the underlying legacies of the assimilationist tradition still persisted, especially at LEA level, there was by the beginning of this decade a growing feeling that multicultural education might in fact involve far more wide ranging and fundamental changes in attitude and practice than had previously


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been envisaged. It is also clear that there was a considerable 'credibility gap' between actual practices at LEA and school level, and the pronouncements at national level of the advocates of multicultural education, and there was therefore an urgent need for the formulation of clear policy guidelines and an overall strategy for change - both of which had so far been lacking - in order to direct energies towards nationally-agreed objectives.

3.4 The Relevance of Multicultural Education to all Children

Government Approach

3.4.1 At the beginning of this consideration of the development of multicultural education (see paragraph 3.2 above) we noted that one of the major aspects of the debate on multicultural education which distinguishes it most clearly from the early days of assimilation, is the recognition that the multi-racial nature of today's society has implications for the education of all children, including those from the ethnic majority community. In recent years this view of multicultural education has extended beyond pupils attending multi-racial schools, to embrace all children in this country, including those living and being educated in 'all-white' areas. The emergence of this broader view can also be traced through the public pronouncements of the government over the years. As early as 1963 there was some recognition, albeit in rather guarded terms and in the context of the 'problems' they pose, that the presence of ethnic minority pupils in a school might offer some positive benefits to the other pupils, as the following extract from the report 'English for Immigrants' (28) shows:

'... it is certainly true that the presence of . .. immigrant children can give an added immediacy and meaning to many of our geography and history lessons; their contributions from the arts of their countries can add interest and variety to many school occasions; their differing religions, customs, dress and food can provide most useful and immediate materials for the inculcation of at least some measure of international understanding. The presence of our visitors from overseas can cause problems, especially if they come with little English and more especially if they come to anyone school in very large numbers; but they also present challenging opportunities which a great many schools, both primary and secondary, have been quick to recognise and to accept with mutual advantage to British and immigrant pupils.'
This theme was fully articulated in rather more positive terms in the 1971 Education Survey, as follows:
'The arrival of immigrant pupils ... (has) ... given the schools a unique opportunity to get to know something at first-hand
(28) 'English for Immigrants.' Ministry of Education Pamphlet No. 43. HMSO. 1963.


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about how peoples in other parts of the world live, and, perhaps more significantly, have provided the opportunity for everyone in their school, themselves included, to experience a multi-racial society in miniature. In this special situation, the schools can demonstrate how people from different ethnic groups and cultural backgrounds can live together happily and successfully, and can help to create the kind of cohesive, multicultural society on which the future of this country - and possibly the world depends.'
3.4.2 The theme of the potential for ethnic minority pupils to positively 'enrich' the life of a school was reiterated in subsequent reports and by the latter half of the 1970s, this had been broadened to embrace the need for the education of all pupils whether ethnic minority or majority, or in multi-racial or 'all-white' schools, to reflect the range of cultures present in British society today. For example the government's 1977 Consultative Document 'Education in Schools' (29) emphasised this 'broader view' of multicultural education in stressing that:
'Our society is a multicultural, multi-racial one and the curriculum should reflect a sympathetic understanding of the different cultures and races that now make up our society ... The curriculum of schools ... must reflect the needs of this new Britain.'
and in addressing a conference on multicultural education in 1980, the then Minister of State observed (30):
'It is just as important in schools where there are no ethnic minority pupils for the teaching there to refer to the different cultures now present in Britain, as it is for the teaching in schools in the inner areas of cities like Birmingham and London. It is a question of developing a curriculum which draws positive advantage from the different cultures.'
3.4.3 There has however rarely been any specific guidance from central government as to how such sentiments should actually be put into practice in 'all-white' areas and schools. Although central government refers to 'the need for all children to be educated for life in a multi-racial society' as though this were already a widely accepted and long-established principle of the British education system, as we have seen from our review of central government's policies over the years, it is in fact a relatively recent feature and

(29) 'Education in Schools - A Consultative Document.' Cmnd 6869. HMSO. July 1977.

(30) Address to the CRE's conference on Education for a Multicultural Society by Baroness Young. 19 April 1980.


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many of the previous policies on 'ethnic minority education' were in fact explicitly designed to ensure that the multi-racial nature of the pupil populations in some schools impinged as little as possible on the educational experience of pupils from the majority community. It seems almost as though central government, having decided to shift the emphasis of multicultural education to embrace 'all' schools feels that by constant reiteration and exhortation to this effect, the message will somehow 'permeate' the 'all-white' schools, with no further efforts or resources.

Research

3.4.4 This broader dimension of multicultural education has been little researched, in terms of actual practice at school level and individual teacher attitudes; the only major project to have really attempted to review developments in this field, carried out under the auspices of the Schools Council has been Little and Willey's 1983 report 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum'. Some broad conclusions can we feel be drawn from the findings of this project and indeed from the other limited work which has been undertaken in this field: first and foremost there appears to be little evidence of efforts in LEAs and schools with few or no ethnic minorities to reappraise or revise their practices to reflect the multi-racial nature of the wider society; indeed multicultural education tends to be largely dismissed as 'not our concern', 'a very low priority' or 'likely to be divisive and counterproductive'. The concept of multicultural education being of relevance to all children, including those attending 'all-white' schools, appears to have failed to impinge in practice on non-multi-racial areas, which still seemingly equate multicultural education with the actual presence of ethnic minority pupils and therefore tend to explain their lack of concern with such developments by simply pointing out that they have no ethnic minority pupils. Those schools which do feel that they should be attempting to develop policies in this respect, profess themselves uncertain of how to tackle this, in the absence of clear guidance from LEA or central government level - as Little and Willey put it, there appears to be 'little effort beyond exhortation' put into encouraging developments in such schools.





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CHAPTER 5

Multicultural Education: Further Research Studies




1. Introduction

1.1 In the previous chapter we reviewed the state of multicultural education by reference to the development of policies at both central and local level and the concerns of different ethnic minority communities. Clearly the whole of this Committee's work, for both of our reports, has been concerned with various aspects of multicultural education and the particular educational needs of ethnic minority pupils. The sheer volume of material which we have received and the wide-ranging opinions which have been expressed to us in our various meetings and visits are impossible to summarise briefly. We have however sought to draw on and reflect, throughout this report, the range of evidence which we have received, and have indeed already referred at some length to some aspects of our evidence in our Achievement and Racism chapters. In addition to this general evidence, we commissioned several small-scale studies to investigate particular issues or concerns. Where these related to specific areas of work, such as language education, we have drawn on the findings in the appropriate chapters, as we have of course also drawn extensively on the conclusions of the NFER reviews of research.

1.2 We have not sought to review in depth current practice at a national level in each and every specific subject area. We were fortunate in being able to draw on the wealth of material collected by Alan Little and Richard Willey for the Schools Council for their project 'Studies in a Multi-ethnic Curriculum' (1). We were also conscious that the various subject specific studies within the Schools Council's project on 'Assessment in a Multicultural Society' were in progress and we have drawn on some of these reports in finalising this report. We commissioned two projects which related to particular aspects of the overall development of multicultural education, which we feel it is important to describe here, before going on, in the next chapter, to set out our own views on the extent to which multicultural education as presently conceived is preparing youngsters from all groups to live in and to shape the kind of pluralist society which we envisaged at the opening of this report.

(1) 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum.' Little and Willey. Schools Council. 1983.


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2. Project A: The development of multicultural education policy in four local education authority areas

2.1 We have already referred, in Chapter Four, to several of the research projects which have been undertaken to investigate provision for multicultural education in various LEAs. These have in general surveyed the range of provision made at a given point in time and only rarely was there any attempt to relate 'current' provision to earlier developments or to examine the past pressures which might have influenced the present-day policies of an LEA towards ethnic minority education. We were therefore pleased to receive a proposal, from the Social Science Research Council Research Unit on Ethnic Relations based at the University of Aston in Birmingham, to prepare a series of reports for us on the way in which policy had emerged in four LEAs around the country, to be undertaken as part of the Unit's ongoing research programme on 'Ethnicity and Education' (2).

2.2 The detailed reports on the four LEAs which were the subject of the study - Manchester, Walsall, Bradford and the Inner London Education Authority - are published separately and we have not therefore reproduced their findings in full here. We attach as Annex A to this chapter however some extracts from the introduction to the research reports, written by Professor John Rex, who led the study team. These not only set the context for the reports but also raise a number of interesting and thought-provoking issues relating to policy-making in this field. We should stress that both Professor Rex's comments here and the views taken in the individual research reports are the opinions of the researchers themselves and do not necessarily reflect the thinking of this Committee - indeed, as will become apparent, some of the views expressed are somewhat at variance with the line we have taken in this report. Nevertheless we feel that the findings of this project offer a valuable and intriguing insight into the varying ways in which educational policy-making can evolve in very different ways in different parts of the country.

2.3 While it is not for us to comment on the conclusions of the reports on the individual LEAs, there are clearly a number of general conclusions which can be drawn from the project's findings as a whole about the development of multicultural education at local

(2) The Ethnicity and Education Programme began in 1981 under the direction of Professor John Rex, Director of the Research Unit on Ethnic Relations. The aim of the programme is described as 'an account of the demands made by ethnic minorities on the education system and the ways in which the education system has responded to these demands'. The programme has four phases. The first is an anthropological study of the minority communities and the demands being made by minority parents and children on the education system. The second phase, which gave rise to the study reported here, is concerned with the reasons for and the content of multicultural educational policy as it has developed in four local authority areas. The third phase will be concerned with a study of the response by teachers to the policies developed by their local education authorities, and, in the final phase, this will be followed by detailed in-school studies.


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level. Professor Rex himself highlights the following broad conclusions which can be made on the basis of this project, many of which echo the findings of other studies of multicultural education:

- 'There is no consensus on what multicultural education actually means, the actual specification of the policy having been the consequence of whatever political pressures happen to be dominant.

- There will always be uncertainty and doubts about the legitimacy of the whole idea of multiculturalism until clear commitments are made at the highest political level.

- Multicultural Education appears ... to be too often divorced from the whole complex of issues concerned with equality of opportunity for the minority child ... The two ideals of promoting equality of opportunity for the minority child and that of developing education for a multicultural and non-racist society are complementary rather than contradictory.

- The ideal of Equality of Opportunity has to be conceived in much wider terms than has been the case when policy has been concentrated on the narrow question of West Indian underachievement.

- The question of underachievement by an ethnic group or class is a real one in our schools, but its practical solution must lie in better educational practice rather than in emphasising the cultural and environmental differences between children outside the school.

- Many policy decisions taken in the past have rested on dogmatic beliefs about the desirability of assimilation or separatism.

- Too many decisions in the past have been taken against the wishes of minority communities.

- Finally we should notice that the whole business of multicultural education is in an experimental stage. So far policies have been formulated, but hardly implemented.'

2.4 These general findings serve to reinforce some of our own conclusions about the overall state of multicultural education today; most notably perhaps the absence of a clearly agreed and accepted


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definition of the aims and objectives involved. It is also interesting to note that Professor Rex sees as one of the major factors which has contributed to this lack of a consensus on multicultural education, the vagaries of political pressures in this field, at both central and local level, over the years - a view which we ourselves have also previously expressed.

3. Project B: 'All-white' schools

3.1 One of the aspects of multicultural education which we were particularly anxious to investigate further was the extent to which an awareness of the multiracial nature of Britain today had influenced the thinking of schools which themselves had few or no ethnic minority pupils. More importantly, we were concerned with the extent to which such schools saw it as part of their overall responsibility to inform their pupils about different ethnic minority groups and to encourage a positive view of their role within our society. As we recalled in Chapter Four, such limited research as there has been in this field shows that the situation on both these fronts still leaves much to be desired, and in our own interim report we highlighted comments made to us by ethnic majority pupils about 'immigrants' which we felt also gave considerable cause for concern. In view of the major part which, as we explained in Chapter Two, we believe misleading stereotypes can play in reinforcing and perpetuating the overall climate of racism, we endeavoured to investigate further the extent of such views within 'all-white schools,' and what, if anything, was being done by the schools to counter them.

3.2 We were fortunate in this respect to obtain the assistance once again of Arnold Matthews - who had worked with us on our interim report and who had visited some 'all-white' schools on our behalf - and also Laurie Fallows, who had also been co-opted to one of our sub-committees during the first stage of our work. As we have already acknowledged, people's attitudes are a particularly difficult area for research. The most satisfactory approach to our task therefore seemed to be to undertake 'case studies' of the views and practices found within a number of 'all-white' schools and this therefore was the approach adopted by Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows. During the winter of 1982/1983 they visited a total of 26 schools, both primary and secondary, and county and voluntary, drawn from six LEAs three in the North of England and three in the South. The particular issues which they endeavoured to investigate for us are listed at Annex B, and the reports which they prepared on the schools they visited are attached as Annexes C and D. Following their visits to schools, Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows met representatives of the six authorities concerned to discuss their findings. Brief summaries of these discussions are included in the respective reports.


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3.3 In our view, these reports provide a valuable insight into the attitudes and behaviour found in 'all-white' areas and schools in relation to ethnic minorities and illustrate vividly the gap which exists between the pronouncements and exhortations made at national level about the need to educate all pupils for life in a multiracial society, and the extent to which such an aim is accepted and acted upon. We commend the detailed reports to our readers as portraying the actual situation in the schools and areas visited. There are however a number of broad conclusions (3) which we feel can be drawn from the findings of this project:

Curriculum Content

Almost without exception, the schools visited saw the concept of multicultural education as remote and irrelevant to their own needs and responsibilities, taking the view that such an approach was needed only where there were substantial numbers of ethnic minority pupils. The concept of being part of a multiracial society appeared to have impinged little on the consciousness of the schools, which were in many respects inward-looking and concerned primarily with immediate local issues. Whilst there was a greater awareness of the multiracial 'dimension' in the schools which were close to areas of ethnic minority settlement, or where there were ethnic minority pupils, little consideration had been given to the need to amend their work to take account of cultural diversity; indeed such moves were often seen as being too controversial and too inflammatory to contemplate. However there were indications from several of the schools that teachers would welcome and respond to a positive lead, with appropriate definition and guidance, from the DES and LEAs about 'education for life in a multicultural society.' It seemed that an emphasis on providing 'good' education, rather than on concepts like 'multiracial' or 'multicultural', which had little immediate reality in such areas, would be most likely to have an impact.

In relation to particular curriculum areas:

Religious Education - with one or two exceptions RE was found to be very much the 'poor relation' subject, regarded as of little status by the schools, the teachers and the pupils. Several of the schools were attempting to provide a 'multifaith' style syllabus covering world religions in addition to Christianity, with varying degrees of success. A major obstacle to such developments in areas with no ethnic minority settlement was the lack of opportunities to visit the places of worship of other faiths or to meet adherents of other religions, which were available in multiracial areas. Many of the RE

(3) We should emphasise that these represent the conclusions of this Committee, although based on the findings of Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows.


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teachers claimed they lacked the necessary knowledge of other faiths to deal with them effectively or to select from the various course materials available. Although a few schools felt that their attempts to teach about the faiths of ethnic minority communities were well-received by pupils and served to broaden their horizons, in those schools where overt racial views were already present, such initiatives were seen as of little value in altering attitudes. RE courses in some schools sought to deal with issues relating to 'Race and Prejudice', again with varying degrees of commitment and success, Where such topics formed part of an integrated studies or a social studies course they were, in several schools, viewed with open hostility by parents, pupils and some staff members.

English - despite some teachers' expressed desire to offer their pupils experience of a wider range of literature, the majority of books studied and to be found in the school libraries reflected a narrow and outdated view of Britain and the world. A number of teachers pleaded their unfamiliarity with recent books drawing on a wider cultural framework and uncertainty about their authenticity or quality, despite the increasing number of multicultural booklists. Again, in schools where racist feelings were strong, attempts to introduce books by, or referring to, members of ethnic minority communities were generally rejected by both pupils and their parents.

History and Geography - in the majority of schools there was little attempt to reflect the multiracial nature of society or to teach pupils about the origins and background of the various communities which are now a part of Britain. In Geography, one of the most disconcerting aspects of present provision was that, where they attempted to discuss developing countries, schools frequently projected inaccurate, outdated and stereotyped views of the 'Third World', thus confirming any negative prejudices which pupils might have, rather than seeking to counter them.

Racism
The project revealed widespread evidence of racism in all the areas covered - ranging from unintentional racism and patronising and stereotyped ideas about ethnic minority groups combined with an appalling ignorance of their cultural backgrounds and lifestyles and of the facts of race and immigration, to extremes of overt racial hatred and 'National Front' - style attitudes. Asian pupils, usually viewed collectively as 'Pakis', seemed to be most frequently the object of animosity, dislike and hatred, apparently because of their greater perceived 'strangeness' and 'difference' from the accepted cultural, religious and linguistic norms. Racial prejudice appeared to be most prevalent amongst the lower ability pupils who might feel


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most threatened by a sense of intellectual and social inferiority aroused by 'successful' ethnic minority communities, and incipient racism was clearly present in urban areas where there was increasing competition for housing and jobs. There were however some indications that youngsters might be more prepared than their elders to adopt amore positive view of the multicultural society, provided they were given the opportunity to learn more about other communities - pupils' attitudes generally appeared to harden as they grew older. It is interesting to note that in some cases, even where negative views about ethnic minority groups were expressed, pupils were anxious to exempt any ethnic minority school friends or acquaintances suggesting that the original antagonism was based on unfamiliarity and accepted stereotypes rather than deep-seated feelings.

Influences on Pupils' Attitudes
Many of the pupils had had little or no direct contact with ethnic minorities on which to formulate their own views, and the major influence on their outlook appeared to be the attitudes of their parents and local community. Where the community was generally antipathetic towards 'outsiders' - a term which could be applied particularly to ethnic minorities - this outlook was shared by the pupils. Other major influences were the media - television, for example in its coverage of the Brixton 'disturbances,' and in its portrayal of ethnic minority characters in comedy programmes, and the local press, some of which was clearly biased against 'immigrants' - and the school curriculum - especially history and geography lessons and textbooks which emphasised an Anglo-centric and Imperialist view of the world as well as portraying developing countries in an outdated manner.

Teachers
Teachers were generally found to reflect the attitudes of their local communities even where they themselves had originated elsewhere, and, apart from a few committed 'multiculturalists', the majority remained preoccupied with the immediate concerns of their day to day teaching activities and believed that 'multicultural' considerations were irrelevant both to them and to their pupils. Primary school teachers seemed in general to be more willing to consider that the changing nature of British society might have implications for their pupils, than were their secondary school counterparts who were chiefly concerned with their own subject specialisms and with meeting the constraints imposed by the public examinations system. Many teachers felt that they lacked the knowledge and confidence to revise their practices and blamed the training which they had received for failing even to raise the issues and principles involved in the concept of multicultural education. Even those teachers who had


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only recently qualified commented on the inadequacy of the coverage of this field in their courses. As far as their attitudes towards ethnic minority groups were concerned, in the words of one of our researchers:

'the whole gamut of racial misunderstandings and folk mythology was revealed, racial stereotypes were common and attitudes ranged from the unveiled hostility of a few, through the apathy of many and the condescension of others, to total acceptance and respect by a minority.'
Where there were clear instances of overt racism amongst pupils within their schools, many teachers were uncertain, reluctant or quite determined that nothing could or should be done by the school to challenge these attitudes. It was often stressed that emphasising 'differences' between various groups could only be counterproductive and divisive, and that attempting to tackle 'racial' issues openly could exacerbate the situation.

3.4 We believe that two major conclusions can be drawn from the findings of this project. Firstly, the concept of multicultural education involving and having implications for all schools, whether or not they have ethnic minority pupils, is far from accepted and indeed appears to be rejected by many 'all-white' schools, despite national pronouncements to the contrary. Indeed the attitudes of many of those in the schools visited by Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows appeared to echo the narrow and insular view of one 'all-white' school quoted in the Little and Willey study referred to earlier.

'we do not have a multi-ethnic society in this school.'
The second major conclusion which we feel must regrettably be drawn from the findings of this project, is in relation to the widespread existence of racism, whether unintentional and 'latent', or overt and aggressive, in the schools visited. The extent to which myths and stereotypes of ethnic minority groups are established and reinforced by parental attitudes, by the influence of the media and through institutional practices within the schools, is we believe all too apparent. On a positive note it was however encouraging to find that in a number of schools, the teachers professed themselves ready and willing to reappraise their own work and prepared to consider the need for a broader approach to their pupils' learning, provided a clear lead was given as to how this might be achieved, together with any necessary on-going support and guidance to put this into effect.

3.5 In relation to the follow up meetings with the LEAs in whose areas the schools were located, there were also a number of broad


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conclusions which we feel can be drawn out. All but one of the authorities visited expressed their belief in the principle of educating all children for life in a multiracial society, but there was a good deal of caution about putting this into practice, influenced to some extent at least by the possible 'political' repercussions of taking action in what was seen as a controversial field. Several of the LEAs emphasised their 'good intentions' towards developing activities in relation to multicultural education, pointing for example to various initiatives in the field of in-service training or guidance to schools which were 'in the pipeline' or 'under consideration'. There appeared in general however to be very little which had actually taken place in such areas to lend credibility to these authorities' professed allegiance to multicultural principles. Even in LEAs which had some areas of ethnic minority settlement, it seemed that any provision which was made was limited to those schools which actually had multiracial pupil populations - and was generally concerned only with language teaching or religious education - and little attempt had been made to broaden such provision to encompass the 'all-white' schools as well. It is interesting that in several of the LEAs, the advisory staff professed a lack of understanding of the principles involved in preparing all pupils for life in a multiracial society and it was therefore perhaps hardly surprising that they had seemingly not ventured to seek to convince 'all-white' schools of the need to appraise and possibly revise their work. From these various discussions with LEAs it would therefore seem that the degree of public commitment to multicultural education for all pupils expressed by central government has as yet impinged only marginally on the thinking of LEAs with few or no ethnic minority pupils, and even less on their actual practices. Once again the most encouraging feature of the LEAs' attitudes was a general desire for guidance and advice on how they might implement policies in relation to multicultural education - at present it seemed that the majority of them were largely unaware of where to turn for such assistance.


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ANNEX A

Extracts from Professor John Rex's introduction to the Report on the Development of Multicultural Education Policy in four local Education Authority Areas



The Issues in Multicultural Education

In order to understand the four reports ... as more than a merely descriptive account it will be necessary to consider what some of the major issues in the so-called multicultural field are. Only against this background will it become evident what choices are being made in the various authorities and what options have, in fact been discarded.

One way of approaching the problem, and one which will inform the final report of the Education and Ethnicity Programme, is to begin with the demands actually being made by parents, children and the representatives of minority communities. Another is to set out systematically the implications of the related, and yet distinct, policy goals of promoting equality of opportunity for minority children, and of developing an appropriate education for a multicultural society.

From what we know so far from our colleagues' work on parents' demands and attitudes, four things seem to be important. First there is a demand of a quite simple and direct kind that education should be as good as possible an education, so that children entering the world of employment or higher education should have the best opportunities possible. Secondly, there appears to be widespread demand for mother tongue instruction. Thirdly, there are some specific demands arising most strongly amongst Muslim parents for appropriate recognition of minority customs. Finally, there is a concern that the schools should play a supportive role in the moral education of children, supportive, that is, of the kind of morality which parents see themselves as trying to inculcate in their homes.

Not included in this list, it will be noted, is a specific demand for something called multicultural education. There may be in the minority communities a commitment to cultural pluralism, it is true, but this does not usually lead to general demands on teachers and the school as distinct from the specific demands mentioned above. Minority parents expect that their language, culture and religion should be treated with respect and that it should not become the object of racist denigration and abuse, but there is widespread recognition of the schools as agencies which can promote or restrict equality of opportunity, and a fear that the provision of special education designed for minorities might hold children back from academic achievement.

Minority organisations, even when they are consulted only through official local Community Relations Councils, express similar demands. They tend to be dissatisfied with the provision for English teaching, to want specific mother tongue classes, to require special consideration on specific issues relating to school assemblies, food, dress, sex segregation and generally on questions of morality, and they are often much concerned about equality of opportunity for teachers from their own communities. There is a considerable record of dissatisfaction being expressed with actual policies adopted by LEAs on these matters, but also on the more general policies which have arisen from the successive stands taken by the authorities which result from their general philosophy on the question of pluralism and integration. Thus, when local authorities considered proposals for dispersal through bussing they rarely had any support from the minority community. Nor is there enthusiastic support for published policies on multicultural education.

Necessarily, of course, it is to be expected that local authorities will wish to pursue what they believe to be the best educational policies whether or not these represent a response to consumer


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demand. One does not expect therefore that any local authority will simply do all that parents ask. Nonetheless, if one looks at the way in which provision for minority children has been made since 1960 two things stand out. One is that, in the first phase, many of the policies which were adopted on such matters as E2L teaching, dealing with low achievers and discipline, had more to do with keeping the system running with the minimal disruption rather than with dealing with the needs of minority children. The other is that when minority-specific policies were developed they were often based upon incoherent and conflicting assumptions about the problems of a multicultural society.

We have thought it useful at all times to judge local authority policies not simply as a more or less adequate response to parent's or children's demands, but in terms of the adequacy as a means of implementing certain social, educational and political ideals to which Britain is supposed to be formally committed. Two such ideals are important. One is the recognition of the right to equality of educational opportunity for all children. The other is the attempt to create a multicultural society. These two ideals have to be taken together. To claim to be creating a multicultural society, when there is no guarantee of equality of opportunity, is to risk offering minority children an education which is different and inferior. To promote equality of opportunity without allowing for cultural pluralism is to move towards a policy of forced assimilation.

In an earlier paper one of us (1) has sought to set out some of the specific policy implications in education of the notion of equal opportunity for the minority child. These include the following:

1. Instruction of non-English speaking children in their own language at the point of their entry into the system, not in order to segregate them permanently, but in order that they should not be prevented at an early stage from learning to learn by a situation of linguistic and cultural shock.

2. Instruction in the mother tongue so that children should not have to pay the price of not being able to communicate with their parents for any success which they may have in education.

3. The early introduction to English as a second language, with adequate arrangements to ensure that the time spent on acquiring English does not prevent progress in normal school subjects.

4. Second stage English instruction to ensure that children are given not merely minimal English, but sufficient command of the language to enable them to cope with study at whatever level they are otherwise capable of reaching.

5. The inclusion in the syllabus of subject matter relating to their own culture, so that they are not deprived of their own inheritance, and can see that it has recognition within the curriculum and within the value system of British society (this requirement not being met by paternalistic teaching at a low level, which could have the effect of denigrating rather than strengthening minority cultures).

6. The teaching of minority languages, history and culture up to the highest level and not merely in the low-status and uncertificated parts of the syllabus, so that these subjects have equality of status with, say, French language, literature and history.

7. The elimination from the syllabus in all subjects of all those elements derived from an earlier historical period in which the culture of minorities is denigrated and a positive emphasis in the syllabus on the histories and cultures of their countries as an important part of the education of all children.

(1) John Rex, 'Equality of Opportunity and the Minority Child.' To be published by the London Institute of Education.


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8. A positive commitment on the part of the school to the elimination of racism through the syllabus as a whole, through specific teaching against racism and through school practices which treat racism as a disciplinary offence.

9. The employment of qualified school teachers from the minority groups in all subjects and a guarantee that they will be promoted on merit.

This checklist of items appears to us to provide a standard against which existing provision should be judged. It needs, however, to be accompanied by other measures designed to foster rather than suppress cultural pluralism.

It is often said, and it is said too glibly, that Britain is now a multicultural society and that education should reflect this fact. But the statement is misleading. Britain is not and is unlikely to become a multicultural society in the sense that Quebec or Brussels is. There two ethnic groups actually share political power and their languages may equally be used in Parliament and the Civil Service. What we should mean by it in Britain is that, while British culture and language, albeit in changing and developing forms, remain dominant, British society is nonetheless committed to fostering minority languages and cultures and regards them as a source of enrichment rather than as something to be repressed or only tolerated.

In some respects, the United States has moved towards recognising Spanish in this way. Canada is also committed to a policy of multiculturalism and there are other precedents which could be followed in Britain.

Crucial to a multicultural policy of this kind is the notion that multicultural education concerns the whole syllabus and the syllabus of the 'White' suburban child, as much as that of the minority child in inner city schools with a high minority concentration. Such a policy has a deliberate political objective. It seeks to eliminate fear of minority cultures and people and the notion that the continued existence of these cultures means the 'swamping' of Britain by alien forces. Of course the implementation of such a policy would contribute to increasing equality of opportunity to minority children by improving the political and social climate in which they have to live, but it has to be mentioned in its own right because it is all too often assumed that multiculturalism in education is solely a matter of making special provision for minority children. The kind of emphasis which we are placing here excludes the kind of token provision for minority children which is expressed in encouraging West Indian children to organise steel bands or giving Asian children special lessons on rice growing. It implies a radical policy of encouraging respect for Caribbean and Asian culture by British children as a part of their education. It is also designed to create a non-racist society.

It was not perhaps to be expected that the two ideals of equality of educational opportunity and the creation of a multicultural society would have been systematically applied to the million immigrants and their children from South Asia and the Caribbean who settled in Britain between 1950 and 1970. Such immigration was accepted as a matter of economic expediency rather as something which provide new challenges to social policy. What one saw, therefore, was at best a series of ad hoc responses concerned with preventing the problems of the newcomers from disrupting the system and at worst a racist panic in which minority children were expected to become Anglicised as quickly as possible or somehow to go away. It was only in the mid-seventies, in fact, that British educationalists began to think more systematically about these problems. By then there was much suspicion amongst the minorities of the newer policies which were proposed and, in any case, the problems were doubly difficult because the education system had to deal not simply with the children of immigrants but with a generation who had been the victims of racism, discrimination and disadvantage.

The two major policy responses in the sixties had been the proposal for dispersing by bussing and the ad hoc development of language teaching for non-English speaking children. Bussing


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was not, as in the United States, a policy developed in response to minority demands for equality of opportunity. It was developed out of fear that the presence of Black children in large numbers would lower standards and children were to be bussed regardless of whether they could speak English or not or whether they had special problems or not, but only if or because they were Black. If the policy was not widely adopted, moreover, it was not because minorities opposed it, but because White suburban schools did not want minority children and certainly didn't want their children bussed as a quid pro quo to Black schools. What was hardly noticed however was that there was virtually no support for the policy in the minority communities, because any slight advantages which it might have for some children were greatly outweighed by its disadvantages for all of them.

Language provision for the non-English speaking was of an equally primitive kind. The main point about it was that the immigrant child had to be withdrawn from the classroom because his presence there was likely to hold up the other children's progress. In some way therefore they had to be withdrawn, whether to special centres or to classes conducted by peripatetic teachers. In these centres they were given enough English to enable them to communicate and be communicated with by their teachers, but with little attempt being made to ensure that they could catch up with their main subject work or that they went on improving their English so that they could achieve at the highest level. All too often the language teaching itself or the problems of the 're-inserted' child were seen to belong to those of the Remedial Department along with those of other backward children.

The tendency to incorporate provision for minority children under the heading of remedial work reflected a wider tendency in social policy on the national as well as the local level. This was to deal with minority problems in a non-specific way under the more general heading of deprivation and disadvantage. The main central government provision for expenditure on minorities took the form of grants under Section 11 of the Local government Act. It was always unclear, however, whether these grants were given for the benefit of minorities and immigrants or whether they were simply to help local authorities faced with problems consequent upon the arrival of immigrants. The confusion over this issue was compounded by the fact that simultaneously with seeking Section 11 grants, local authorities were called upon to adopt a policy of positive discrimination towards schools which had high indices for deprivation. Local authorities in these circumstances were all too likely to claim that their expenditure on deprived schools was their way of meeting minority needs. Many, indeed, argued, prior to the early 70s, that it was desirable in principle to deal with minority needs in this way as part of a general integrationist policy.

By 1970, however, the question of the education of the minority child came to have a new focus. This was that of the failure of West Indian children. In our view this problem has hardly been understood because the statistics have been presented in the crudest possible way in terms of gross comparisons between English, Asian and West Indian children. Had elementary statistical controls been introduced for the occupation, education and socio-economic group of parents the differences might well have virtually disappeared and any unexplained differences could quite as easily have been explained by the child's experience from an early age of British racism as it could by his cultural background. Since, however, it might still be asked why children from poor lower-class backgrounds do so badly, a problem might still remain. The more serious problem for us seems to be why it is that British schools so largely succeed in imposing on children the same social and economic status as their parents. If this happens for English working class children, is it not far more likely to happen for children from poor post-colonial societies?

Unfortunately questions like this have not been asked. Instead report after report has drawn attention to West Indian failure as an intractable problem, and if, fortunately, hereditarian ideas have not to any large extent been invoked by way of explanation, the explanation which has been sought has usually been in terms of some deficiency of the West Indian child, whether because of some deficiency in his self concept or because of his or her poor material or social


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home environment. What has not been discussed is whether something might not be going wrong in the child's encounters with White society, not least in the school itself. In fact the debate about West Indian failure, like those about numbers and about language deficiency are not really understandable unless one realises that it has been informed as much as by anything else by racist panic.

Against the background of these ad hoc and panicky responses the emergence of a debate about multicultural education suggests something of a new start and as such it is to be welcomed. Certainly it involves a deliberate move away from the notion that minorities are to be provided for simply as part of a general programme for the disadvantaged. Nonetheless, although 'Multicultural Education' became a widely accepted slogan, there was considerable uncertainty as to what it actually meant. To some it meant the whole set of policies to provide for the immigrant or minority child. To others it was seen as something more specific being concerned with bringing minority cultures into the curriculum. Within these two options, moreover, there were many alternative possibilities. Multicultural education might be thought of as something which applied to the curriculum of all children or it might be thought of as something which was to be provided for minority children only. If it was taken to mean the latter, it might or might not be seen as something whose main function was to improve performance and achievement. In some cases, moreover, the central meaning which was attached to the term was that it referred to the set of policies designed to deal with West Indian underachievement.

The problems of Asian children and those of West Indians, or more correctly, the problems of the children of Asian and West Indian immigrants, were likely to be systematically confused in this debate. On the one hand some local authorities were likely to be preoccupied with West Indian underachievement. On the other there were those who were concerned primarily with Asians. General policy discussions therefore often assumed a child who combined the problems of both and who in addition was assumed to share all the characteristics of the inner city poor.

Finally, one should note another overriding factor in these debates. This is that while there were those who were concerned with removing for the minority child all the obstacles which stood in the way of the highest possible achievement, there were certainly others who saw the problem as part of a wider problem of providing education of a relevant kind for the less able child. If, therefore, there was less than total enthusiasm on the part of minority communities for the new policies, it was probably because they saw them as offering less than the best to their children. One of the problems which we have had to face therefore in analysing the debates which went on before an apparent consensus about multicultural education was arrived at is whether some of the parties to that consensus and some of the agents who would have to carry it out only gave their consent on the assumption that what the policy was referring to was simply the provision of alternative provision for minorities in the low-status parts of the curriculum.


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ANNEX B

'All-White' Schools Project: Outline



1. Overall Aim

To look at the ways in which a small sample of schools with few or no ethnic minorities are responding to the multiracial nature of Britain today.

2. Method

Interviews/discussions with Headteachers, teachers, non-teaching staff, parents and governors (where possible) and pupils.

3. Issues to be Investigated

i. The extent to which the school (head, teachers, parents and pupils) feels it has a responsibility to inform and prepare its pupils for life in a multiracial society (or whether this is seen as a 'problem' faced only by multiracial schools).

ii. The varying perceptions of what is meant by 'multicultural' education - whether this is seen as:

- simply 'celebrating' Eid or Diwali;
- 'Black Studies' where there are black pupils;
- the latest 'trendy bandwagons';
- the education of all our children to a greater appreciation of the linguistic, cultural and religious diversity of Britain today.
iii. The extent to which the school (a) attempts and (b) succeeds to inform its pupils about ethnic minority groups in this country - their religions, cultures etc - and about the facts of immigration - numbers and distribution of ethnic minority groups and numbers of ethnic minority children now born in this country. Where schools are making progress in this field, to what extent are they receiving support and encouragement from their LEAs through the advisory services, resources centres or inservice courses.

iv. The perceptions and reactions of pupils, teachers and parents towards ethnic minority groups and how these have originated.

v. Whether the school has any explicit antiracism curriculum content - e.g. dealing with racial discrimination within social studies - or a more general policy for eradicating racism e.g. 'exchange' schemes with multiracial schools and/or a policy on racist name calling;

vi. The extent to which heads and teachers feel that their training has prepared them to adopt a 'multicultural' approach to their work and what more they feel could be done in the teacher education field in this respect;

vii. The views of pupils, teachers and parents on the potential value of ethnic minority teachers. Also, where there are any ethnic minority teachers, how they themselves see their role in 'all-white' school.


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ANNEX C

A Report of visits to Schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils by Arnold Matthews MBE (formerly adviser for multicultural education, London Borough of Ealing)



I Introduction

1. Background

1.1 During the winter of 1982/1983 I visited 13 schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils with a brief to find out how they were responding to the need to prepare all pupils for life in multiracial Britain. The schools were situated in three local education authorities - LEA A, a rural county, LEA B, a largely rural county and LEA C, a metropolitan district - and were chosen from a short list provided by each of the LEAs. Two full days were spent in each secondary school and one full day in each primary school.

1.2 The notes which follow are presented largely in the form of anecdotes, written extracts from pupils' work or verbatim notes of conversations with head teachers, teachers and pupils. They have not been selected or structured to either support or conflict with any preconceived view of the school or the area and they represent an honest and true reflection of what I found. They are not intended to portray a complete picture, of the schools and LEAs concerned and I have not sought to pass judgement on their work but rather to give a flavour of the underlying attitudes present in each.

1.3 On completion of the visits to the schools, I met representatives of the three LEAs to inform them of my findings. Notes of these meetings are included in my report.

2. Why Us? - We have No Problems. - Some Early Misunderstandings

2.1 A letter from the Committee Secretary to three local education authorities expressed a desire to obtain information about the views held by pupils and teachers in schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils about ethnic minority groups. Yet when these visits were carried out it was usually found that head teachers expressed surprise that their schools had been chosen since they had few or no ethnic minority pupils; the multiracial character of society in Britain was not considered to have much relevance for schools which themselves were not confronted with compelling racial problems. The predominant question in the minds of most of those occupying responsible positions in schools was how they were treating ethnic minority pupils within their administration: and in almost every case the claim was 'no differently to other children' because they presented 'no problem' and so were not thought of as being 'different'.

II Attitudes found within the Schools

LEA A

1. The schools in LEA A were characterised by a persistent insularity of outlook and this was very apparent amongst members of staff who tended to remain near to their places of origin. Those who had been trained or who had taught in other parts of the country had returned to the area at the first opportunity. One teacher, locally born, who had been trained and taught out of the region, pointed out that people had traditionally remained in the locality and even people with ability would deny themselves opportunities for rewarding work and accept a lower standard of living to stay at home. She commented that people were relaxed and easy-going and there were no pressures from the few ethnic minorities in the areas of jobs or housing and in her view since those children who would move away from the area on leaving school would be the more able children who would be going to situations where they would meet educated ethnic minorities there would be no 'serious problems'. Another teacher with experience of teaching in Africa felt angry about the prejudice which was very prevalent in Britain. This was particularly suffered by a highly-qualified African teacher-friend of hers in his search for a post in Britain which took four unremitting years.


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2. Experience gained by some teachers elsewhere was not necessarily profitable in terms of race relations. One teacher had served in a multiracial school for twelve years prior to moving to this area. The practice at that time had been to treat West Indian pupils as if they were white: 'They were part of us and so we treated them exactly like white children; for example, we had a black lad who misbehaved so we belted him; it didn't do any harm at all'. He pointed out that many West Indians were good-humoured about their colour and he recalled rubbing down a black boy after a shower-bath. The boy joked, 'It's no use, sir, it won't come off'! The teacher claimed to have happy memories of that time but admitted being angry when reading in the Rampton Report (1) of West Indian discontent and protest. 'Have the immigrants been got at politically?' he asked. 'Perhaps the media hadn't got on to race at that time.' In another school a teacher referring to some of her colleagues said, 'a number of staff here have never moved outside the region'. She herself had, for many years, regularly travelled to various parts of the world, but she rejected as 'outrageous' the suggestion that there should be a reordering of priorities in the allocation of resources in British education so as to give emphasis to the correction of disadvantages suffered by ethnic minorities. 'We've got a damn sight better use for our money', she asserted.

3. Teachers in this area generally admitted to being preoccupied with their curricula and with immediate problems; considerations of the multiracial society and the preparation of pupils' attitudes towards that society occupied a very slight part in the practice of only a few teachers and none at all in that of the great majority. One teacher, who had previously taught and had served as a community worker in two large cities, described his colleagues at his present school as having very limited experience of other cultures and being only concerned with academic aspects of their subjects which he saw 'in this day and age like burying one's head in the sand'. Another admitted, 'we are very geared to exams here but we really ought to get the multiracial thing in'. One remedial teacher said, 'teachers here don't appreciate the value of other cultures. lf a child doesn't do French, he's remedial'. Another teacher claimed, 'I love all children but if my daughter came home with a black boy, I don't think I'd like it'. A regional representative of a teachers' association who had been many years in his school confessed, 'We've never given multiracial education a thought'.

4. Not surprisingly the pupils in this area were also very insular in their outlook and understanding. Teachers frequently talked of the pupils' ignorance and inability to understand urban life. Some children had never been to the city and for the great majority it was a rare experience. 'An inner city is for these children as remote as a very distant land'. They had little or no experience of a multiracial society and without exception, in the secondary schools, there were clear indications of racial prejudice in the attitudes of some of the pupils towards people from other ethnic groups regardless of whether they had had any personal knowledge of them.

School A1
1. This small 'all-white' primary school was situated in a village in which there were a few young families some of whom had moved from London and other cities. Its catchment area included a few hamlets which were dotted around the village.

2. When asked what they knew about 'immigrants', a word they did not know and which had to be explained, some of the children said they had visited cities on family excursions and had seen but not met black people on these occasions. They were interested in people's differences in colour, language, dress and said they would like to make friends with black people and live next door to them. The sister of one child had a black friend, who was liked because 'she is very kind'. A boy on a visit to London spoke to and played with some Indian boys. 'I liked them but they went,' he said. 'People don't like them, but they're no different; I would like them to come to this school'.

(1) Interim report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups.


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3. Learning that many of the black children living in this country were born here, one little boy asked, 'How can they be black if they were born in England? In India there are black skins because it's hot, but in England it's cold'. 'They might keep the heat on in the house', another boy answered.

4. This school was of special interest because it had accommodated for some six months (on an exchange with some British service families) the children of two or three Argentinian servicemen. The Spanish speaking children had no knowledge of English and were objects of great interest to the school and community. The English children responded to them as individuals with differing characteristics many of which were rather endearing and they were very popular. The Argentinians were still living in the area when their forces invaded the Falkland Islands but the event appeared to make little difference to relationships between children or adults in the village. A birthday party was given at school to one of the visiting children and there was an objection from one English mother on the grounds that 'some things are more important than friendship'. The remaining parents disagreed and deliberately placed emphasis on friendship. When the British Task Force set sail the Argentines were moved to France as a first stage to returning home. The local children and their teachers were sad at their departure. Subsequently, in the course of military action against the British Forces one of these servicemen was killed. Asked what they thought about it the school children's feelings were summed up by 'We are not happy for our friend'.

5. A travelling theatre company of four players had visited the school and performed for the children. Two of the actors were black and were described by the children as 'nice', 'interesting' and 'we liked them'. It may be significant here that their teacher had a history of positive friendship with black people in her home neighbourhood and at a Youth Club in her teenage years.

6. The Head was also positive in his aim of developing an educational curriculum 'within a moral framework'. His creative approach drew on the immediate experience of the children. He felt he could effectively deal with abstractions e.g. relationships with minority groups, such as the handicapped, but only when the opportunity presented itself and came from the children. For this reason he welcomed visitors to the school and invited them to talk with the children - if they were black or of another culture then so much the better.

School A2
1. School A2, a medium sized co-educational comprehensive secondary school, was situated in a market town. Teachers with long service at the school could recollect only having a few black families during the last dozen years. There was, I was told only one 'dark child' at present. The reaction to this fact was 'We are very lucky: we've had very few coloureds here. There are no problems of that kind in this area'.

2. Very little attention had been paid in the curriculum to preparing pupils for life in a multiracial society. In Religious Education the LEA Agreed Syllabus pays slight attention to World religions and the Head of RE stressed 'it's one of the priorities in my subject that pupils should at least know about other religions'. When dealing with Judaism, a Rabbi visits the school to talk to pupils. Attempts to deal with race and immigration are made in the Integrated Studies Course for the lower ability groups of the first two years, when stories about Africa and India are a part of the reading programme used to teach reading skills. Prejudice was a topic which occupied half a day for unemployed girls who returned to school for a MSC [Manpower Services Commission] course. The Duke of Edinburgh Award Scheme at the school provided an opportunity for some senior girls to spend time in a multiracial area of a nearby City.

3. Although the shortage of money for new books coupled with a lack of knowledge of suitable materials were put forward as reasons for not attempting a multicultural approach to the curriculum, there was also the situation of one teacher who read 'To Sir with Love' with three


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fourth year classes; they did not understand it and treated it as a 'huge joke'. Similar attempts by this teacher at introducing serious discussion had failed and a study of other cultures in a course of Religious and Social Education was described by a sixth former reminiscently as 'just another lesson and so boring'. In the same group other students considered the members of a class by drawing attention to their differences. A teacher summed up the views of many members of staff when he said 'we don't get any prejudiced views because we hardly get any ethnic minority children'.

4. The drama teacher sees her work as an overt commitment to the preparation of pupils for life in which tolerance, understanding and harmony amongst people of all kinds are essential attributes. She teaches every pupil during their third year and so has an opportunity to contribute something to the lives of all pupils during their stay at school. She is convinced that children in the region who like herself during her schooldays and in her home locality 'never saw a non-white person', should be made aware of a multiracial society. She uses role playas the most effective medium for treatment of the topic of 'Barriers' during which children have suggested the barriers of language and culture (for example the wearing of the turban in school). Another valuable experience mentioned at this school was a performance by a visiting company for fourth year pupils of a play about Hitler, Jews and Moseley followed by discussions by the company of the National Front and the treatment of ethnic minorities. This teacher also uses role play with her tutor group as a means of 'sorting out' attitudes on various questions including those of race.

5. There were clear indications of racial prejudice in the attitudes of some pupils: this was illustrated by all incident which took place when a group of senior pupils were being prepared for a visit to London. The teacher invited the group to tell her what they wanted to see in London. 'Can we go to Brixton, Miss'? one boy asked. 'Why Brixton'? queried the teacher. 'We might see some Pakis' he said. 'And his intention was not for them to make friends', observed the Deputy Head who narrated the story.

6. One teacher with pastoral responsibility expressed anxiety about racist gestures which were seen in the school, for example, National Front slogans written on notebooks and symbols drawn on the person, such as on the back of boys' hands. When informed about these signs one father replied, 'We've got to get rid of these racials'. This teacher who had made efforts to deal with these incidents effectively when they arose, expressed his conviction that in predominantly white areas, bigoted views were often held in the community and it was therefore very important for the school to get pupils to examine prejudices. 'Out of ignorance, the worst side of human nature is bred', the teacher said, 'and I don't accept the excuse that these youngsters don't know better. In fact I find that they are fairly open-minded'. This teacher was convinced that the school should be more concerned about racial prejudice and felt frustrated by the attitudes and views of some colleagues.

7. Another teacher pointed out the record of the one black boy at present attending the school - a very pleasant personality, outstanding in games and successful in his work. 'Nobody takes any notice of his colour.' This picture of success relating to one individual child was offered as evidence of good practice in the field of race relations in the school.

8. This school had experience of Gypsy children. They came from a permanent site, described as tidy and well organised, and the families were employed by farmers in vegetable picking. The present generation of children is the first to enter the school system and they have not created much difficulty. Problems arose when a boy was old enough to do useful work and therefore unlikely to attend school. An arrangement was then made between the authority and the Gypsy community that the boy would be allowed to work in the fields although he would be retained on the school register and would be visited by a social worker. The parents had no formal education themselves, no knowledge of the school system and therefore no confidence in dealing with the school. The Gypsy children were described by a senior teacher as 'usually delightful'.


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They enjoyed school as a social experience and were particularly at their ease with adults with whom they loved to chat. They had enjoyed particularly good relations with the school secretaries. The few who briefly aspired to other occupations abandoned them later and remained with their families in the field. The work ethic was strong in their make-up and they played no games; the mores of their community were firmly retained; they observed strict norms of sexual behaviour and had no dealings with non-Gypsy children of the opposite sex; they cared openly for each other, supporting one another strongly in adversity such as when they were called names by other children.

School A3
1. This voluntary aided co-educational secondary school was situated in a large market town and was 'all-white' with the exception of two Vietnamese, one Iranian, two half-Chinese and two half-Indian pupils who were, in the words of the headmaster, 'treated as pets'. A Sikh teacher was held in high esteem by staff and pupils and was held up to pupils by colleagues as a symbol of his race.

2. The Head of RE commented 'Although we are a friendly staff and look after the ethnic minority children, we've never discussed the question of the multiracial society'. This was confirmed in writings of a fourth year class which were extraordinarily free from prejudice, were remarkably fair and often naive about racial questions - for example, 'I think that when a black person is caught committing a crime, the police are more harsh on them than if it were a white person, police often pick up black people for no reason because they are just suspicious if that person is black. I think that there is not this trouble in this town because we have accepted to live with blacks instead of treating them as someone or something which is unlike us', and 'Employers are slightly racial, they would rather give a white man a job behind a desk rather than a black man. Although blacks are just as intelligent, an employer seems to have more trust in a white person. A lot of black people seem to be unemployed and spend their time walking the streets, this could be a reason why they get a bad name. Housing - most ethnic minorities seem to live in one area of a town or city, and that area always seems to be a dirty place. I'm not sure if the blacks make it that way or if the local councils deliberately house the coloured people together in a bad area'.

3. Another fourth year pupil who had previously lived in a large urban centre had a more realistic awareness of the racial scene: 'I don't feel that the West Indians, Asians, Greeks, Chinese get as good an education as the white people in this country, this in my view is very unfair. I lived in a city for a while. People who are colour prejudiced are just plain stupid. I mean we're all human, and coloured people have just as much right to make a success of their lives as white people. Therefore they should have an education equal to what white people have'.

4. To date, little thought had been given by the school to a multicultural approach to the curriculum although the Head felt that the 'warm atmosphere' noticeable in the staff room might mean that the staff would now be ready to spend time discussing education for a multiracial society. Classroom discussions exposed prejudiced views but some greater understanding is achieved by the playing of tape-recorded accounts of ethnic minorities who talk about their experiences of prejudice which has been directed against them.

School A4
1. School A4, a large co-educational comprehensive school, was situated in what was once a market town but which now has engineering and food processing industries. It was described by a member of staff as an 'an industrial town with a rural mentality' and 'an industrialised village'.

2. Again, only limited thought had been given to the possibility of a multicultural approach to the curriculum. The Head of English lamented the tendency in English teaching to drift away from an emphasis on sociological English to one on technical language. He stressed that literature and its values were his department's concern. 'We in the English Department teach a liberal


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consensus view'. He illustrated this from 'To Kill a Mocking Bird'. He referred to prejudice amongst some fourth year pupils and added 'The rest of the department and I loathe the National Front and I make my views clear to the kids'. He found a book entitled 'Invisible Man' about the Negro's position in America, 'a vitriolic statement on racism' and the writings of the African Chinowa Achebe to make effective reading in the sixth form. The LEA's Agreed Syllabus in RE includes World Religions but the treatment is rather slight which has led one RE teacher to use the more extensive Birmingham Syllabus and to introduce five major world faiths. He believes that this region should not be allowed to separate itself from the rest of Britain. The ideas conveyed by other religions however appear very strange to his pupils who find it difficult to take them seriously and, since few attend any church, are disinclined to give RE much status.

3. The drama teacher uses role play to encourage children to see other people's points of view or experiences of life. He sets theoretical situations removed from contemporary experience e.g. an unknown tribe in an Amazon jungle into which a parachutist descends; this is balanced with a small village community in a remote part of Britain at which a non-English speaking yachtsman is driven in for shelter. This teacher has not postulated racial problems for role play but agreed that they would be very suitable topics for the method the aim of which is to explore ideas, arrive at conclusions and discover principles.

4. One teacher at the school was a recent appointment having just completed a post-graduate Teaching Diploma course which included an Urban Studies option. This course included multicultural education but the options he chose with teaching practice in the region did not. The college, he said, had a firm policy of recruiting students from Africa and the Students' Union was keen to advance the welfare of overseas students; there were good race relations and this experience was helpful in preparing the attitudes of future teachers. He did not however see much value in privileged middle-class Africans teaching the children of immigrants in Britain. Perhaps their impact on the white school population might be more valuable.

5. The one black family represented in the school were said by the Head to 'have an interest value' and to be 'well received - the Chinese less so, but the staff will say there are no problems here'. There had clearly been very little experience of ethnic minority people in the community or at school. The Deputy Head mentioned an East African Asian family which had met with prejudice and unpleasantness and so left the area to live in another town. 'A group of children here could be very unpleasant - there are clear undertones of the National Front' he said. News coverage of racial matters tended to inflame antagonism towards minorities.

6. A particularly interesting person at the school was a young Indian employed as a member of the non-teaching staff. His parents had come to England from the Punjab but he was born in London and had attended school there. He not only spoke English but Punjabi with a cockney accent! He had thoroughly enjoyed his time at school and had obtained three O Levels. He had developed confidence in himself and was therefore well accepted and had made white friends. 'Groups of all Indians become targets for racialism', he said. 'Some of my closest friends were racialist but fine with me. Some other Indians didn't like me for this, but others respected me for it'. He had come to the town to visit friends and remained for a while and had then decided to take a job at the school. He felt he wanted to 'drop out from the pace of London'. When he first came to the town he was suspicious of everyone; people regarded him with curiosity and stared at him. At last to one woman who stood gaping at him at the entrance to a shop he asked, 'Have you never seen a wog before?' When the woman had recovered her breath she spluttered in indignation, 'Another Londoner come here causing trouble!' He said that the children at school were curious at first and had taken some time to make up their minds about him, but he now had no problems. His confidence and competence made him an impressive representative of his ethnic group; the value of his contribution to this school and the community far exceeded that of his role as a staff member.

7. The Head of History said, 'In every class some children would pack all immigrants back home' and the Head of Humanities illustrated the irrelevant prejudice by reference to a


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gratuitous answer written to an internal examination question about population in London. The fifth year pupil wrote: 'The only real solution in London is to chuck out all non-British citizens and cut immigration drastically to reduce the risk of more street violence in years to come'.

8. The Head of English agreed that some of the classes were strongly prejudiced against ethnic minorities although a written exercise which I gave to a top set of fourth years revealed some good understanding. Of 26 pupils in this class, 12 showed a good appraisal of what had happened in the public disturbances in Brixton and elsewhere and were in the main sympathetic to ethnic minorities. Five expressed some antipathy and nine were neutral or uncertain (sometimes anxious) in their reactions. The following are examples of their writing:

'These disturbances involved in the main black youths in conflict with the police. Their protest was that they were tired of the unjust treatment and racial discrimination they had received from the local police forces. Their resentment had been brewing for a long while, and their patience finally snapped over another incident of unfair treatment, which made it finally too much'.

'There were occasional outbreaks of fighting between blacks and whites but mostly it was young black people rioting in order to try and make people see how they felt. They smashed cars, looting of shops took place and "crowd fever" made the riots swell until finally special police forces were called in to stop the disturbances'.

'These disturbances called to the public's attention the conditions in which many blacks had to live and the resentment which they felt as a result. Blacks were encouraged to air their views and community policing was introduced to try and get the police closer to the black community'.

'I would hope that in the future all races and religions would be treated as equally as possible, and I would try to treat other races as the same as me. Although I would hope for this I would not really expect it.

People will always regard a different-coloured skin as different, and perhaps this is a good thing. Interest in other religions is good, but to be prejudiced against them is not'.

'I believe that in the future racial minorities will become less unusual and as a result people will become more accepting of them. I do think that there will always be people who resent the presence of other races in Britain, but I hope this will become a smaller and smaller minority'.

'In the future more of the black population will have been born here and so they will have greater knowledge and greater acceptance of the British way of life. If they receive equal education they will, hopefully, not be prejudiced against in jobs, and for young white people to grow up with, be educated with, and finally to work with blacks is the best way to teach them to accept each other'.

'When coloured people applied for jobs they were probably often refused work just because of their colour. It didn't seem to make any difference how many qualifications the black youths had, they were almost always turned away in favour of white people'.

'lf I was working with black people it wouldn't make an awful lot of difference to me, as I wouldn't have anything to do with them anyway'.

'Under no circumstances would I live next door to a black family. I would be worried sick in case one of my children went out with a coloured child. That would really embarrass me'.

'I don't really like any foreigners at all, it is nothing personal about just coloured people'.

'I would avoid any situation where I might have to be included in a racial community'.


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'I don't like the way of life of black people, they ought to keep their opinions to themselves'.

'I wouldn't want to live in a mixed race. I'd rather be away from coloured people'.

'The ethnic minorities would not accept British law and justice and they would not accept that the police represented this'.

'If in the future I had to live within a multiracial community, I wouldn't mind as long as they accept our laws and customs. If they got a job instead of me, as long as they were more qualified or better suited for the job, then I wouldn't complain. Different coloured people can get on, if they want to'.

'At first I would be wary of black people and probably be a bit squeamish of touching them, but would probably get used to them, hoping that I didn't embarrass too many people by my embarrassment. I wouldn't treat them any different after I got used to them and would look for the people inside them not to judge them on what you hear about them. I would still be wary of a group of blacks together as some of them still think they are badly treated by the police and employers etc.'

'I don't think that all blacks etc should be carted off back to their own countries as most of them are British and if we did that we would have to send any French, German and any other immigrants who weren't coloured as well. We imported them to do our dirty work, cheap labour so we're stuck with them'.

9. The local black sportsmen were popular heroes in the eyes of the young locally; they were seen in public and liked as individuals as well as fine sportsmen. One boy wrote: 'Although people like coloured sportsmen they still think other coloured people are troublemakers' and 'coloured sportsmen are treated kindly whereas others are treated harshly'.

LEA B
1. In many ways the attitudes I encountered during my visits to schools in LEA B were similar to those encountered in LEA A. The same insularity of outlook was reflected in the schools; teachers were equally preoccupied with their curricula and little attention was paid to the need to prepare pupils for life in a multiracial society. Indeed, the major difference was that there tended to be a rather more visible ethnic minority presence both within school and in the surrounding area and thus a more readily identifiable 'target' for racist attitudes.

School B1
1. This large infants school was an example of a resourceful, adaptable school in an area of growing population. The head teacher was supported wholeheartedly by a deeply caring and conscientious staff. In keeping with the general picture of great care and attention being devoted to the needs of all pupils there was evidence of the few ethnic minority children being given a warm welcome and favourable provision.

2. The Head emphasised that the hidden curriculum fosters positive attitudes of tolerance and goodwill amongst all kinds and groups of people including the application of the Good Samaritan story to a foreigner 'without having to underline it'. The teaching staff included a former white African who had accepted the 'racial divide' without question but is now totally converted in her attitudes towards black people and expressed positive ideas about multicultural education. Teacher after teacher confidently expressed the conviction that no racial prejudice had been found from parents or children.

3. Arrangements were made for a group of about ten of the most articulate older children to join me in the Head's room during the afternoon. They were confident and talkative and the


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conversation flitted briefly from topic to topic. Suddenly one child described a holiday spent in Wales where she had seen some black children peeping at her out of a caravan. Asked whether she talked or played with them she answered, 'Oh no. I didn't want to play with black children'. Another little girl then blurted out 'I don't like black people, only Sarah' (one of the group present). Other children spontaneously chimed in 'Nor I'. I narrated this incident to the Head afterwards and she was deeply shocked by the revelation. The Deputy Head, however admitted that she had had a similar experience with children in her class some months before. She had not however reported it to the Head.

School B2
1. School B2 - a formal, strictly disciplined co-educational comprehensive school - had a largely all-white pupil population apart from a few West Indian, Asian, Iranian and Chinese pupils. Potential incidents between ethnic groups were, as far as possible, avoided. There was some concern that a group of Kenyan Asian girls had suffered from name calling and were unhappy. The Chinese children were reported to be experiencing difficulty with English and were felt to be 'probably misinterpreted in their behaviour'. The formality of the school, according to a senior member of staff made it easier for 'outsiders' - e.g. Asians - to get lost, to accept the system quietly and so to remain unnoticed and neglected. Collective worship was conducted as a distinct policy but no account was taken of faiths other than Christianity.

2. A multicultural approach to the curriculum was not considered necessary. The Deputy Head, who had previously taught in a multiracial school observed 'there is little apparent need here for a multicultural curriculum so very little is being done'. Great stress was however placed by the school on RE which is provided for all pupils using the agreed syllabus for the LEA which devoted substantial time to World faiths. According to one teacher, 'other faiths are regarded with interest and are well received. It is the only subject in the school curriculum which deals with the cultivation of attitudes towards other cultures'. Another teacher commented 'Junior schools do little in RE. This school has to start from scratch. We have to deal with shocking ignorance about Christian teaching'. Ethics is taught in the sixth form and this subject includes the discussion of Race. The general impression conveyed is that there is a strong feeling against discrimination. An exhibition on World Faiths was presented at one Parents' Evening and parents were impressed by what they saw (and smelt - they were drawn to it by the smell of incense).

3. No concessions are made to other cultures in English teaching but it was pointed out that some standard text books contain references to coloured children. Some reading books raised occasional points about race, e.g. 'Huckleberry Finn'. The published aim of the English department was 'to help children towards awareness of self and others'. In the modern languages department all children study at least one foreign language for three years. Visits are arranged each year to several European countries and an exchange system is run between pupils at the school and those of a French school. The school was careful in pairing West Indian children with French children, ensuring that families knew about one another in advance. Generally, ethnic minority children did not wish to take part in the exchanges, but those who did enjoyed the experience and there were no serious problems. The Head of Department said 'There is an antipathy to foreigners in this region; there is resistance about the children going abroad and families jib at receiving foreign children into their homes'.

4. All the teachers reported that the school, had experienced racialist incidents when the National Front was depicted in the news. Several boys were punished and one was expelled. Asian girls in the school had been the objects of attacks. One teacher said 'I've taken great pains to explain Pakistani girls' dress and behaviour as a part of their religion but they are still laughed at by the others'. The Head of History had met prejudice amongst the upper school pupils who attended local football matches. There were also supporters who visited the grounds of other clubs where they obtained National Front 'indoctrination'. Racialist literature was handed out


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locally. A senior member of staff said, 'Kids have an inbuilt racial prejudice here', whilst, at the other end of the academic scale, the teacher in charge of the Special Unit expressed his worry about 'agitators', because incidents were usually provoked. 'Incidents here could easily arise - a few hot-heads shooting their mouth off and others following like sheep'. He was worried that too much attention might be shown to ethnic minorities and that they might be given favoured treatment. 'I must watch that I don't take the side of the ethnic minorities and be seen to favour the underdog'.

5. A class of mixed ability fourth year pupils was asked to write on some aspects of immigration into Britain - numbers, languages, religions, food, housing, jobs and the public disturbances. Their statements revealed appalling ignorance - for example, estimates of numbers ranged from six million to half the population of the country (five answers) and twenty million (three answers). Of the twenty pupils the writings of eight were antagonistic and some strongly racist, two were mildly sympathetic and ten were neutral, confining themselves to the factual statements which were asked for - (opinions were given gratuitously). Here are examples of pupil writings:

'We take everybody in because we're mugs. Also girls still have different rules to English girls like they can wear trousers because its against their religion to show their legs but if they are living over here and going to our schools they should obay our rules and treeted the same as us especially as some were born in Britain. I think they should speak English. A load of Pakis own shops round here more than English. If it's our country then we should' come first. If it was the other way around they wouldn't do it for us. They also have a lot of our jobs they have such big families that probley why our unemployment is so high. I think it is silly to go rioting because nothing will be gave by the govement because their to soft'.

'I think that there are to many packys and all those foreigners in our country. I think if they were sent out we'de be a lot better off and there would be a lot more jobs about. The foreigners takes up our houses our jobs our food and sometimes our women. a lot of them come from the more poorer countries, maybe if they got out and we got jobs we might be able to send some food and other supplies over because everybody would be better of then. You see these packys riding around in rolls royces and then you see a british family with no car and not being able to hardly afford there food for a week. In Brixton there was a lot of riots and it was the coloured people who was doing this, they destroyed a lot of things and which wernt even theres to destroy they belonged to the government (british) and british police. How comes our country is so well organised and how comes there country aint'.

'There are millions of immigrants from China pakistan that speak all different languages and I think if they come to this country they should try to speak the language. A lot of these people stay in the own community and speak the own language I think this should not be aloud. I think they should be chucked out'.

'At Brixton the blacks we rioting and should not do this because we let them in and if they do this they should be chucked out for making so many deaths'.

'I think that pakistanis should not be aloud to own shops because so many whites are out of jobs that a lot of pakistanis owning all the shops along my way. (For good measure the writer repeated 'so they should all be chucked out' twice more.)'

In a sixth form discussion one black girl was noticeably articulate. Her mother, a white member of staff at the school, said that a number of the teachers at the school complained that she has too much to say. 'She's never been naughty, but she questions everything. When she questions things she's described as cheeky'. The injustice, she felt, could only be due to prejudice.


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School B3
1. This large co-educational comprehensive school had a substantial group of Italian pupils many of whom were third generation 'immigrants', a small number of Indians and Pakistanis, some West Indians, and a few other ethnic minorities from Burma, Singapore, Europe and South America. As a group the Pakistanis were considered to be the only ones to give 'trouble' and were blamed for 'isolating themselves' by language, dress and religion. The Italians were considered to be well integrated and 'belonged here' whilst the West Indians made an effort to integrate and were quite popular on account of their 'good physique', ability in sport and 'carefree attitude'.

2. In Religious Education some attention is given to Islam in the third year and Judaism in the fourth year. The Head of Department was not convinced that the course had much value since he felt that the pupils were incapable of understanding other people's faiths or points of view. For example, they laughed at Muslim rituals and even after being given a picture of Jews' suffering in Nazi Germany they still laughed at their religious practices. This teacher admitted he did nothing and knew nothing about other World Religions - 'Islam and Judaism are important but I reserve judgement on the rest'. The Head of English admitted that the department had no books by West Indian, Asian or other ethnic minority authors: 'We make no nod towards other cultures'.

3. Questionnaires and other materials used with pupils to explore their knowledge of basic facts concerning immigration and the circumstances of ethnic minorities revealed a good deal of ignorance. The large majority of one group of fifth year girls (12 out of 16) thought that 'racial minority groups' (the term was explained) represented between 30 per cent and 65 per cent of the population in Britain. Two pupils omitted to answer and the remaining two gave 10 per cent and 20 per cent. In a class of fourth year pupils a substantial number gave 50 per cent or a higher proportion to the same question. Questions on other related issues exposed similar gross ignorance and irrational and prejudiced views.

4. The Head provided information about a mock General Election held at the school when the candidates, including a representative of the National Front, addressed the sixth form. In the voting which followed, the National Front candidate took third place and beat the Liberal. The Head expressed the opinion that the substantial vote for the NF was the result of two things: a. some of the students had taken holiday jobs working with Pakistani workers and had acquired some prejudice against them and b. that the vote was a gesture used deliberately as a reaction to the left-wing extremism displayed by some students. 'It doesn't mean however that they wouldn't behave that way in certain circumstances', the Head added.

5. A second year form was referred to as demonstrating serious racial prejudice against Pakistani girls and a tutor group was described by its teacher as 'strong recruits for the National Front'. Such manifestations of racism were attributed to the influences of parents and television 'on children 'few of whom were able to think for themselves' while others were 'herd-like'. A History teacher included a short course on facts about race in his syllabus for a fifth year group and set questions on immigration. 'The ignorance and prejudices which come out in this exercise were appalling!' he said. Another teacher told how a discussion about Race in one class which included a Pakistani boy because very pejorative in its reference to Pakistanis but treated the Pakistani boy in their midst as if he were not there.

6. A group of sixth form students were brought together for discussion. Feelings of racial prejudice were admitted amongst the group and recognised as present in the school. One described it as 'hatred of black skins'. One reason for it they thought was the threat of large numbers of other ethnic groups: 'If you're in a situation where you're outnumbered by blacks then you're wary.' The notion that young children were not prejudiced was contradicted by one student's description of the situation in an infants school where her mother worked. 'Some


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children won't sit next to a black child because their mother objects.' There was agreement that prejudice grew out of ignorance and that an understanding of other cultures should be taught from the infant stage when other religions should be included. The students considered that schools could do nothing about prejudice; it must be left to parents. Some thought it was the responsibility of the black person to make friends with others and get himself accepted. 'What if he is shy?' was asked. 'Tough luck!' was the unsympathetic answer. The group considered it was difficult to treat ethnic minorities in the same way as your own people and that teachers were disinclined to do so. If a black child was made to suffer, they believed it would be resented by the white children if the teacher tried to make it up to him. 'If you were walking down the street with a black person in Southall or Birmingham' one student asked another, 'how would you feel?' 'I'd feel proud that I was showing I'm willing to be on the same level as them', she replied (!).

School B4
1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school offered interesting prospects for community involvement but these had not flourished. The Community Association had diminished in membership and activity so that there was 'not even a handful of community commitment' at present. The Adult-Tutor said, 'Community is a vague notion and abstract thinking is not a commodity found very much about here'.

2. The school provides three years of RE for all pupils during which Judaism, Hinduism and Islam are studied. The Head of Department is confident that after three years pupils are beginning to have a better understanding of other people. Those who take certificate examinations include six world religions in their courses. Discussing the need for 'example rather than exhortation' in adopting a positive stance against prejudice the Head of RE admitted that in teaching World Religions he realised that he was in danger of reinforcing the children's prejudices and so he decided to introduce work on prejudice. 'Finding the ability to deal with prejudice in my own class came by self-examination. I had to look into myself and examine my own fears and prejudices such as against punks and then not to be afraid to use them but admit to pupils that I had them.' He admitted 'it is not an easy subject to deal with but that does not mean that it should be shelved or avoided'.

3. One educational activity being successfully used in this school in the nurturing and changing of attitudes was drama, particularly in the form in which it was being developed by a recently trained drama teacher i.e. based on role playing. An outline of a lesson observed will illustrate the method used and the effectiveness of the teaching strategy employed in the exploration and formulation of attitudes:

i. The teacher discusses with the class the aim of the lesson - to consider attitudes towards people in minority groups. What kind of groups?
a. Handicapped, for example in hearing (there's a deaf child in the class).
b. Coloured people suffer from other people's prejudice. A black boy says he experiences it and it's worse in school than in his home area.
c. Dirty people; a boy who is away from school is named. 'He stinks and he has nits, which is why he's away.' (The teacher explains that other children are very unkind to him.)
ii. The teacher prepared them for a rehearsal warning them not be personal and unkind to members of the class. Groups are asked to choose a scene in which someone is excluded.

iii. Children go in to their usual groups, move into corners of the room, discuss, prepare their dialogue, rehearse gestures, actions, movements and set up their furniture.


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iv. The teacher moves around the groups and discusses what each is going to do. (There is one black boy in one group and a half-caste girl in another.)

v. The groups are left to their own devices to continue their rehearsals.

vi. The class is called to order. One group is asked to come forward and the remainder sit on the floor as the audience.

Scene 1. In a bus with driver/conductor (the deaf girl). The remainder enter the bus one at a time. The half-caste enters, no-one is willing to make way for her to sit next to them. She is insulted, the others using racist jargon.

Scene 2. Passengers get off the bus and stand in a group at the bus stop. The coloured girl asks a question but she is ignored. The group discuss immigrants in a derogatory way. Busily occupied they miss the bus they intended to catch.

vii. The teacher engages the cast in discussion. Whose idea was it? - the coloured girl's. Why was it chosen? It had happened to her.

Another group was called out and performed their theme which was set in a school playground. A group of boys see a black boy approaching. 'Oh look a new kid - and he's black!' They form a group around him and taunt him feeling his hair and rubbing his skin; they look at their hands and rub them on their clothes accompanying the actions with noises of revulsion.

'What's your name? Chalkie?'
'What are you doing here?'
The baiting continues in this way until they are called into school.

The group returns for a discussion with the teacher. The black boy is asked does this happen to him. Sometimes. Today it was treated as a joke; when it happens does he find it funny? Not really. Does he meet with prejudice in his own class? Sometimes - and from the prefects who pick on him and won't allow him to do what others do.

During lunch time some senior members of the Drama Club attended a voluntary session of Drama. They acted out a scene in which two women approached a house gossiping about the daughter of the people they are about to call on. They knock, are admitted by their friend whose husband is in the room reading a paper. In conversation the visitors refer to the 'trouble' the hostess must be suffering: they refer to the daughter's relationship with a black man; the husband's attention is alerted. The visitors leave, the daughter enters and is challenged by her father; daughter admits relationship with black man and announces intention to marry him; father is furious and indulges in racist epithets which are refuted by the daughter. Mother does not contradict the racism but protects her daughter who is old enough to decide for herself. Scene ends with the daughter announcing she is leaving home and father accuses 'blacks' for breaking up his family.

Discussion: the group is asked for reactions to the scene and to an equivalent happening in their own family. They air usual problems about other people's opinions and actions, references to children of a mixed marriage. Asked whether one should try to prevent this happening or try to educate other people to accept or perhaps welcome mixed marriages the group all agreed to the latter. Referring to their own experience members of the group described how parents' attitudes in matters of race are absorbed unconsciously. All members express conviction that people are capable of a change in attitude from one of racism to one of tolerance. The group agreed with the teacher on the value of giving voice to questions of racism, acting them out and discussing them.

4. One teacher, putting forward his views on discussing racial prejudice with a class containing committed racists, described his approach thus: he starts as if no prejudice exists in the class. He continues until the first derogatory remark is made and then stops the lesson and explains the point further seeking to get a wider understanding and acceptance. He awaits a response. A


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few are still likely to be sceptical and dismissive. He then concentrates on them and draws them out. At this stage he may set up a role-playing situation so that pupils can work out the issues involved and often themselves verbalise acceptable solutions. This often avoids unpleasant confrontation between pupils and teacher and sublimates the aggression in the problematic situation. The more the pupils are credited with maturity and rationality the more they are likely to achieve it. When they are away from the school setting they are more likely to attain mature behaviour.

5. The Head of RE commented 'Scratch the surface in this school and racial prejudices are there very strongly in some age groups'. A group of intelligent and articulate fifth year pupils formed a discussion group under the chairmanship of an experienced teacher. The following were some of the contributions to the discussion about ethnic minorities and education:

- To learn anything about them is to say they're different. It shouldn't be forced on us in RE. We don't want it; it's boring. - It makes the gap wider.

- Why did they come here?

- There are such a few coloured people in this school we'd all be looking at them; they'd feel small.

- If they say they're British and live in England they should speak English and be British.

- We're not going to India are we?

- If a coloured family comes here they would keep themselves to themselves.

- They should not all live in one area but mix into the community.

- Because they are black they are discriminated against.

- If we accept them, they'll accept us.

- A German family which came to the village couldn't speak much English and they were not accepted.

- We are the majority and we're being horrible to them.

- What's it got to do with us? They must learn to survive.

- People are saying about a local shop. 'It's taken over by Pakis so we won't use it.'

- If they're different and don't speak English they must expect 'aggro'.

- We shouldn't let anybody come into the country without having a job to come to.

- Britain is overcrowded; immigration should be controlled.

- They bring all the family - aunts and uncles as well. It's too late now.

- We've got one black in our football team. We've got to go along with him.

- Send them back.

- We should have listened to Enoch Powell.

- They're living off the dole and social security; that's our money.

- Pakis get a house straight away, although there's a long waiting list.

- The older people here are racist, the younger are not.

- My grandmother hates blacks (others made similar statements).

- Whoever is new in this community must be very confident - go out and make friends.

- You never are accepted in a village if you're not an old family - even white families aren't accepted.

- (Speaking about one member of the group) She's against racism; it's built into her isn't it?

- If you went to live in a black community you'd be beaten up.

- I'm against blacks. I can't help it: my parents and grandparents are racist.

- If my parents say racist things I give them a mouthful.


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(on the question of whether one of their black class members who was not invited to join the discussion should have been):

- He would be the only black and feel awful.

- If he's got all pent up he might want to get it out.

- Do you know his religion? His language? No!

- It's not important. We should accept him as he is.

The teacher concluded the discussion by asking the group how many were anti-racist. Three out of eleven, all girls, said they were.

6. An unusual appointment at the school was that of a black African as a Head of Department. After a succession of teaching posts in England (some appointments, he explained, were due to his prowess in cricket and other games), he was made Head of Department at this school. He had been the victim of racist 'attacks' of different kinds within the school. Racial expletives and cliches both spoken and written had been directed at him from time to time which upset him initially. Then he tried to ignore them, but they reached a degree which prompted him to tell the Head that if they were allowed to continue he would be obliged to be more outspoken. He found that the less articulate the pupils, the more racist they were in their behaviour. 'When I take a low "set" I have to narrow down the work I do to form-filling and similar routine exercises. The examining of ideas is not on - it would be at my peril. They are victims of propaganda slogans and cliches because they have not other sources - they don't read. They suffer from congenital racism; they have never examined it and are unaware of it.' The teacher took great care to resist provocation and reassured himself that incidents were relatively few. 'It would be unfair to label the whole institution.' He found it more difficult to accept the unintentional racism of colleagues e.g. the man who greets him in a 'chummy' way: 'Hello dere' a West Indian style greeting spoken in a West Indian accent. 'I respond in the same accent and walk away leaving him to think out why?' Also he experienced a more sophisticated kind of racism outside school: 'You don't speak English too badly.' He found this more hurtful.

7. Provision in the adult department consisted mainly of physical activities. There were day-time classes of adults, mainly women, held on the premises. There was little demand for 'questions of the day' such as matters relating to the multiracial society. A group of women attending an afternoon class in Yoga agreed to stay on and discuss some questions relating to ethnic minorities:

- On the question of whether local children needed to be prepared for living in a multiracial society one woman said her son, a former pupil at the school, had gone to live and work in an urban area. He lived next door to Asians and grumbled that they were untidy and he objected to the smell of curry cooking. He also worked with Asians and met a lot of them at other times. His mother commented, 'If we don't like some of their ways they don't like our ways either. You have to learn to adjust. We have to tolerate them.'

- Another woman whose children were brought up in the village and educated at the local schools said her son and daughter had moved to a local town, the daughter at a college doing A Levels and her son at the university. He shared a room with five other students and he was the only white person; for him this was a totally unfamiliar experience. He was happy and had asked his mother if he could bring them home. She had agreed.

- Members of the group exchanged knowledge of situations in other towns, and also locally, where white people behaved in unkind ways towards ethnic minority neighbours, actions which included moving away. Some had the impression that in some urban areas 'there are more coloured people than white. At night there are punch-ups'. They concluded that 'children are very sheltered here.'


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- One mother expressed concern about the influence of the TV programme 'Grange Hill' in its episodes dealing with racism in school. 'My junior aged children found ideas of racism strange and are perplexed by the programme.'

- Another woman said, 'Schools here don't see the need to question and discuss these matters, but they should'. She herself helped with a children's art club in a junior school. The theme 'Indian' was presented to the children. My reaction was that it was not relevant to the children; but now I am beginning to reconsider it: perhaps we should use this theme and help the children about Indian culture.'

- The group then went on to consider other positive ways in which children's understanding and appreciation of other cultures could be organised - even limited real experiences of seeing, meeting, hearing, talking to people from ethnic minorities might stimulate projects of work on various cultures.

- All the women were in favour of the appointment of ethnic minority teachers in all-white schools. One woman, however, referred to the report that when 'the dark teacher of English came here, girls went home and cried because they couldn't understand him.'

LEA C
1. The five schools visited in this LEA had predominantly white pupil populations although they were situated in or near areas of substantial ethnic minority settlement. The local indigenous community had a long history of prejudice against many groups perceived to be 'outsiders' and it was perhaps not surprising therefore to discover evidence of widespread and firmly entrenched racist views amongst pupils. For the most part this racism remained just below the surface and seldom resulted in overt verbal or physical expression. Headteachers and other members of senior management were inclined to understate and even play down this potentially explosive situation.

2. In the mid 1970s the Chief Education Office had issued a statement to all head teachers concerning 'Education for a Multi-racial Society'. In examining the situation in the authority's schools this posed the question 'Is there a factor of prejudice which affects our attitude towards the young immigrant?'. This question was considered by a working party of teachers and community workers who conducted several seminars with fourth year students from local secondary schools. The sessions included a cross-cultural education simulation game which explored the nature of prejudice and a film which examined 'commonly believed racist assumptions and solutions to prejudice and racism in modern Britain'. One result was seen to be the 'questioning of attitudes, even with groups where the majority of students were extremely prejudiced' and in some instances it was claimed that even from a position of extreme racism, there was some shift of attitude in the course of the session. The working party subsequently produced a race relations teaching pack to combat the racism which they felt to be present in schools. The material was used by the Head of Social Studies in one school (School C3 below) as the basis of a course for a fourth year form. At the end of the course a questionnaire was given to the pupils - the responses were illuminating. An analysis of the responses is given at Appendix A.

School C1
1. This small infants school was an outstanding example of a school which represented family and community character to a marked degree and in a positive sense. When the LEA proposed closing the school because of low numbers, the parents organised themselves into an active pressure group and a public demonstration was staged in the town. The proposal to close the school was reversed. The young Deputy was appointed Headteacher and with several new appointments the school started a new stage of its history. The parents' pride in, and support for, the school was expressed by a group of mothers who were busily engaged in the Parents' Room making costumes for the Christmas nativity play and the school's pantomime. They expressed warm appreciation of the care devoted to the progress and welfare of their children. For them the school also expressed the identity and character of the immediate neighbourhood.


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There were few ethnic minority families in the locality. Some of them were referred to as individuals: 'I live opposite a West Indian family; the mother is the nicest person you could meet', and from another member of the group, 'My son idolised a black boy - they were friends for three years.'

2. There were children attending the school from Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Turkish Cypriot and Anglo-Indian backgrounds. The English parents said they were prepared to accept ethnic minority children at school 'as long as our children are not overpowered and as long as ours are not put aside'. They admitted knowing very little about other cultures: 'We have no chance to see how others carry on' except that 'they tell you about what they cannot eat'. It was considered worthy of comment that one member of the group's little boy had been interested in a flag of another nation and had asked her 'What country is that, Mum?' because it had been drawn to his attention at school. The mothers were also interested in some Asian wedding clothes which had been shown at school. It was felt that at the age of the children in the school all ethnic groups were friendly with one another but that as they grew up they were influenced by the National Front. The mothers deplored the attacks on Asians which were a fact of life in the area, but, they concluded 'They've got to live with it', and they pointed out it was sometimes a case of 'blacks set on whites as well as whites set on blacks'. They were convinced that there was blame on the side of the black population too. 'You can't have a difference of opinion with them because they will say 'You only say that because we're black', but if we have a difference with them we don't answer 'You said that because we're white'. They decided that 'the trouble starts when there are too many blacks' and added that 'the older people, who had immigrants pushed on to them so that they didn't grow up with them' were the people who did not accept ethnic minorities. These local residents complained that there was little provision for the leisure time of local youths so that they were left to their own devices and formed gangs which walked the streets. Unemployment amongst school leavers exacerbated the problem. It was not surprising, under the circumstances, that fights broke out between black and white groups of youths. This, they insisted did not directly involve the National Front or the British Movement.

3. The staff of this school had taken steps to avail themselves of the assistance offered by the National Association for Multiracial Education. They thought a breakthrough was necessary in schools which were complacent because there were few racial problems. They were engaged in a course of in-service education during the lunch hour when they received visiting speakers on the teaching of English as a Second Language. They particularly appreciated the value of the school-based approach. The head commented, 'The most valuable things come out in staff discussion after the speaker has left. Ideas can be incorporated into on-going work in the school. It takes a lot of confidence for a teacher to analyse and revise the content and method of her work. This is more likely to happen if teachers do it together as a staff.'

4. A black nurse accompanying the doctor who was conducting medical examinations at the school emphasised the importance of accepting people of different colour to oneself 'Children should be taught this at home', she said. 'It's wrong to leave it to the school.' The nurse quoted an incident she saw on a bus and of which she approved. A young black child asked her mother whether she could go and sit in another seat with a white woman. 'Yes, you do that', said the black mother, and released her child's hand. 'That black mum had good commonsense', said the nurse, who explained that she was a West Indian, 'but my child was born here and is British. I tell my child about back home as best I can but she must accept this country and its culture. I was showing her how to make some West Indian food, and she said, 'I'm not West Indian'. She felt that schools should help all children to know and understand one another's culture. She saw on her visits to schools that a little was being done - but not much. She trained as a nurse in a local hospital where she experienced some racial prejudice but she insisted 'I could stand up for myself even with the tutor. If you do, they say you've got a chip on your shoulder.' On the whole she was pleased with the training she received, 'I'd do the same again', she concluded.

5. 'Some of the ethnic minority parents attend everything we do', said the Head. 'They are very appreciative and want to contribute. They talk about their expectations for the children,


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which are different from other mothers' expectations.' Members of staff had got to know the three Asian mothers and learnt that they spoke three languages which increased the teachers' appreciation of them. She explained how on one occasion these mothers orally translated into their language the story of the Three Bears. They and the staff all laughed together during this exercise and it broke down barriers between them. 'The Asians are now convinced that we are now eager to hear and encourage the use of their languages.' A discussion with them about the Royal Wedding led to one of the mothers bringing to school a photograph of her Sikh wedding. In this way the school makes use of opportunities to draw on other cultures, 'and so teachers' minds must be constantly geared to the possibilities of bringing in other cultures', said the Head. 'We're encouraging Asian mums to tell us about their foods and to produce some dishes'. There was some awkwardness at parents' meetings because 'there are only a few ethnic minority parents so they feel isolated.' The Head therefore liaises between the Asian and White parents.

6. A black student on a course for nursery nurses at a local college was doing a practice at the school. The course included reference to cultural factors in food and care of the hair but the study of language development did not include English as a second language. She and an 'Asian' student on the course were invited by a tutor, from time to time, to talk to the remainder of the class about their own cultures.

7. In the staff room teachers expressed their conviction that the local community should learn about the cultures of ethnic minorities living amongst them. 'It's an awful thing that people say if they want to live here they must live as we do' and agreed that 'unless they understand that Asian culture is valued they won't recognise and accept it. Society is not stable. In time it will absorb parts of these cultures anyway and so we must help to speed up the process.'

School C2
1. At this medium sized primary school approximately 30 per cent of the pupils were of ethnic minority origin - some third generation. The majority were 'Asians' although there was a substantial group of West Indians and one family each of the Chinese, Greek and Maltese groups. Many families had a long history of residence in the neighbourhood. The school had the highest degree of multiple deprivation in the authority: to low income, unemployment, poor communications, inadequate shopping and other social amenities, unstable family relationships, single parents, were added the problems of race relations. On the positive side the more established local families had a strong spirit of devotion to the neighbourhood and were very supportive of the school. The school occupied a central position in the life of the community and the Head was approached as 'father confessor, fixer and miracle worker'.

2. The long established inhabitants were also racist. One father said to the head who had appealed to him for tolerance; 'tolerance is a middle-class luxury. You don't have black people competing for your jobs.' Yet the immediate locality is 'reasonably free from organised racism'. The National Front was strong in the neighbourhood and some parents with children in the school were members. White boys came to school with National Front leaflets. 'The children ask about this and I give the other viewpoint but they slip back to square one.' Children were chauvinistic and jingoistic about the Falklands War and wanted to join the forces.

3. A black student on teaching practice at the school talked about the racial victimisation she had previously experienced at her own secondary school. 'Boys called me "Blackie" and "Wog face" until I couldn't take any more and reacted: this got me into trouble. One of the teachers of History told us that black people were only interested in Reggae music and were not worth teaching History. He separated us from the white kids and didn't bother with us. We sat in the back of the class and messed about. Blacks didn't take History for exams - we dropped it.' The student argued very strongly in favour of schools adopting a multicultural curriculum and especially the need to give an understanding to pupils, from as early a stage as possible, of other religions. She also stressed the need for more black nursery nurses and teachers.

4. An infant teacher at the school claimed that the children saw themselves as white, e.g. a picture by a black child in a wall display in her classroom showed five children; they were all


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white. The only departure from this would be if a black child nursed a sense of grievance. Most black children were as English as the next person. They had lost any other sense of their own culture. Most of the black children in the school were born locally and had adapted to the English way of life. A few had retained their traditions and customs and brought them to school. Diwali was celebrated in the nursery with the aid of an Asian mother. The Asian children felt happy and for the English children it was a novel experience. In the infants section there were some spontaneous activities as a follow-up to Diwali. This teacher held the view that it was a mistake in a school with comparatively few ethnic minorities 'to draw attention to their colour we could do them an injustice. We are here to teach children, not to emphasise their differences.' Even young children used the term 'that chocolate over there'. 'It must come from the parents', said the teacher 'it's they who need to be educated'. Since there was such slight contact with parents it was idealistic to look in that direction for any solution to the problem. Asian women were withdrawn and behaved in a way which made it difficult for them to get to know others. They came to the school and met as a group to chat in the playground.

5. The Indian woman doctor visiting the school stressed that Asian mothers tended to have large families so that the need to look after them and to clean the house left them with little time to learn English. The doctor recommended the use of Asian language teachers which would permit the use of their own language in the primary school as the medium of teaching non-English speaking Asian children. At later stages Asian languages should not be taught in schools because Asian children at older ages did not want their mother tongue. If they needed to be taught their languages, lessons should be confined to evenings or weekends. Parents would pay for luxuries for their children and so they should pay for language lessons. Other forms of Asian culture should not be encouraged either, e.g. the exclusion of pork and beef from their diet which was originated and was meaningful only in a hot country. They were 'sentimental taboos without intellectual support'. The doctor insisted that class differences existed in Britain and were desirable. Integration should take place at one's own intellectual, educational and social level 'as water finds its own level'. About racism she accepted that human beings had always had their likes and dislikes. There was hope for a solution to the worst forms of racism in ten or twenty years time. Nursery education was essential to achieve this, to provide 'community grouping' from early years so that the 'mix will blend.' She was convinced that 'we can't change the adult population'; we must concentrate on 'sowing the seed'. Meanwhile 'we must accept and suffer'.

6. The teacher in the junior section with the most ethnic minority children in his class had found that other cultures were not being maintained to any great extent by the families. He tried to draw on contributions from the Asians for his multifaith project but got very little from them. He recalled that his college of education gave little guidance in the teaching of ethnic minorities. In his teaching practice school there were non-English speaking Sikhs. He had no idea how to teach them English. The colleges, he said, have too much to do. He noticed that certain white children would be friends with black children in their own class but antagonistic towards those in another class. 'There always has been racism and there always will be', he decided. The teacher's role was setting an example; if he showed interest in other cultures the children would become interested but he added 'since Christian social values are the ones they're going to live under, they are the main ones we have to teach'. The teacher of the fourth year class admitted that as the children passed up through the school their differences became more marked so that by the time they carne to her they were very aware of race. 'The white children do not see themselves as being one with the ethnic minorities in spite of a lot of talk by me and a lot of discussion. White kids think that Muslims and Hindus are a joke.' Some of their parents had said 'We don't want that sort of rubbish for our kids'. They referred to African music and dance as 'them Paki dances!'. Even after explanation they remained implacable.

7. Two welfare assistants on the staff had themselves attended the school as had their children and now their grandchildren. Their husbands had been dockers, had become redundant, moved to factories which had closed and in all had three times become redundant. They remembered


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22 years ago the first black woman coming to the small closed community, married to a white man. She was well accepted. Then 17 years ago West Indian families started coming in. They and white families were being rehoused in the neighbourhood - 'being dumped on us' and the older inhabitants didn't feel happy about it. The women said the biggest problems at school were between groups of Indians arguing amongst themselves in the playground. 'The Jamaicans were more friendly than the Asians', they said. 'It's probably because we can understand them more.' The main reason for racist feelings is the fear that they are taking over others' homes. 'We find that if we visit them they're thrilled. We called on one Asian family a couple of times and another Asian family became jealous: we had to be careful. Perhaps if we understood the differences between them it would be better. In the dining-room it worries us that the Indians don't eat enough. We've had the children crying because they can't get the food they like.' These women were clearly eager to learn about other ethnic groups so that they could be more effective in their work. They said they had not heard of any suitable courses. The Head promised to bring up the question of a course for non-teaching staff at a head teachers' meeting.

8. An infant teacher who had taught for 12 years in her home area, a country district, applied for this post to gain experience and was surprised to be appointed to the job. It had taken her a year to adapt herself to the work. She found the children interesting and the work challenging and would not now return to an all-white rural area. She related an incident in which she had rebuked a Pakistani child. The father was furious and accused the school of prejudiced behaviour. After a discussion he ended by agreeing with the school and promising support. He explained 'everywhere we are picked on and blamed because of our colour. I'm a black man in a white man's world'. The teacher commented 'that experience brought the situation of blacks home to me and it makes me very depressed'.

9. The Head drew attention to the serious problem of mixed marriages or liaisons in the community and the effect on the children of those relationships. There were several cases of seriously maladjusted children in school with very unstable and violent liaisons at home. The parents needed support but it was not available. They lacked cultural support from either a religious or the black or white community. There was no back-up agency. The Head felt strongly that these families had a special need and asked the question 'Are they being by-passed by the authorities?'

School C3
1. The Head of this large co-educational comprehensive school took a count of ethnic minority pupils (17 per cent at the time) for the purpose of the Inquiry. 'I don't particularly want to know', he said. 'I must not discriminate between boys and girls, the able and less able or between ethnic minorities and between them and others. Perhaps I've been "innocent" and "naive" about this, but I don't know how many children in school have blue eyes and red hair. What regard do we have for the ethnic minorities in school? All they want to know at the end of the fifth year is whether they are employable. We drive on the left in this country and it's not too comfortable to accommodate the French. The ethnic minorities, too, have tensions; the more they adapt in school the more tension there is at home, e.g. the mothers are resistant to English as I found when I went to the door of a Pakistani home.' He compared the relations between different ethnic groups with that of a marriage of two markedly different people; 'one doesn't attempt to alter the other - both have to find a way to live together'.

2. Admission to the school was from an area with a number of small employers in light manufacturing and construction industries and where employment opportunities were somewhat better than in other parts of the authority.

3. The Deputy Head had recently moved to the school after service in a girls' school which was predominantly black. She was acutely aware of an undercurrent of racial feeling although there were few instances of overt racism. Boys in the upper school were described as 'National Front below the surface'. The rest of the staff were also aware of this submerged racism but


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found it difficult to deal with. She herself was careful not to upset teachers who might not wish to discriminate in favour of a minority. Staff were concerned, but confused, and didn't know how to go about it because they were afraid to offend the white majority. 'How was one to root out prejudice'? she asked and quoted an LEA adviser who had said that by the time a pupil was eleven years of age it was already too late - prejudice was too deeply rooted. The Deputy Head agreed that 'unintentional racism in the staff certainly happened in this school because positive action was extremely difficult in a school of this kind.' Abusive racist terms were sometimes used by the staff towards ethnic minority pupils in a jocular way, but she suspected that it was sometimes hurtful to them. Relations between staff and ethnic minority parents particularly 'Asians' were difficult because of language and cultural barriers.

4. The English teachers in the school considered it their duty to provide a multicultural curriculum since it was a normal part of their work to contribute towards the development of a liberal outlook and a tolerant attitude towards people of other cultures. Although the school claimed that they were providing works by Asian and West Indian writers on the reading shelves for teachers and pupils to make use of no effort however was made by a teacher to present information unless the question was raised by the class. Pupils rejected books about their own culture and a course offered on African and Indian studies was not taken up. Language problems were experienced by all ethnic groups so no separate provision was made.

5. Religious Education is a part of the core curriculum for three years. A broad approach is adopted throughout the syllabus starting with three different stories of Creation, and in the third year looking at Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism and the various forms of Christianity seen on a world basis. Children contribute information about their own religions. Questions are raised and discussed in class concerning world issues of religions in the news.

6. The Head of Lower School believed that the organisation of first year pupils is conducive to the inculcation of sound attitudes. Classes of 30 pupils are split into teams of 15 and further sub-divided into groups of five pupils. The main purpose of the organisation is to launch a determined attack on an enormous problem of underachievement in reading. The pupils interrelate closely with each other and with teachers in these units of different sizes for different stages of the work. Materials are designed and produced for the purpose by a group of teachers whose qualification is their sympathy for the aims and methods of the scheme, rather than their subject specialism. The emphasis is on a caring relationship and the use of discussion. The success of the organisation has determined its extension into the second year next session and will,provide the structure for a Humanities Programme. The organisation, methods and content of this approach is seen by the leader of this team as eminently suitable for a multicultural curriculum and the cultivation of harmonious race relations.

7. In a discussion group, sixth-formers were unanimous in recognising that Asians in the school and in the community were generally the objects of strong racial prejudice because their culture was so different but particularly because they were often heard speaking a different language. Local people were also ignorant of the Asian life style which resulted in their withdrawal into their own community. Even in the sixth form the Asians kept to themselves and formed their own clique. One girl in the group said she tried 'to bring them in' but they didn't respond. West Indians generally mixed well with the white pupils in school. A West Indian member of the group expressed his belief that ethnic minority parents should be educated to become 'British'. He thought that if he had been brought up in an area like Brixton he would be a very different person. He hated black ghettos but recognised that if blacks were more dispersed they would not have a strong voice. People said to him 'I don't mind you but I hate Pakis; they stink! Asians do not stand up for themselves. Their temperament is too quiet. Yet when they learn to be more confident they are described as flash Pakis'.


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8. A black business studies teacher at the school who was only involved with senior pupils also observed that Asians remained separate from others. They were 'polite but not friendly' and she added 'I'm surprised that they have not changed by now - still in a little group, not necessarily because they want to be but in response to other pupils. Not one of them has a white friend. There doesn't appear to be much reason. I can't say why - but with racism there is usually not a reason.' She had previously worked as manageress in an employment agency where she came up against a great deal of prejudice in employers who discriminated against black people. Often she would make an appointment over the telephone for an employer to interview a West Indian school leaver. The name would not indicate racial identity. On seeing the black applicant an appointment would not be made. Other applicants would be interviewed until a suitable white person came along and would be appointed. Some employers however openly told the agency they did not want black people. In her experience of employers, Japanese companies were the worst in this respect. Another disadvantage suffered by ethnic minority school leavers was that if they did not have GCE English and Maths but gained other certificates in subjects such as CSE Home Economics or Social Studies, employers did not understand or accept them. She gave examples of companies who rejected CSE Grade One results out of 'blind ignorance, conservatism and inflexibility'. She emphasised that there was a great need for the education authorities to enlighten the business world about examinations in use.

9. An Indian teacher spoke appreciatively of the support he received from the head and other staff. There had been occasional National Front signs and slogans directed at him, but otherwise he had experienced little trouble. He claimed that the children were respectful to him. His policy was never to interfere in racial problems amongst the pupils. That was the Head's responsibility. If an Asian pupil complained to him he would not listen. He confined himself to academic responsibilities but was conscious of the importance of his own example. He believed that Indian culture should be a part of the school curriculum in RE, History, Social Studies, Drama, Home Economics, Music, PE and Games. He considered however that other teachers on the staff seemed to have no understanding of the effect of the mono-cultural thinking and practices in the school which he felt led to the exclusion of Asians and to the underachievement of West Indians in school and in society.

10. The only teacher who appeared to show any real understanding of the way in which other cultures could be embraced within a school curriculum was the peripatetic ESL teacher who was only present at the school on two half-days a week and was restricted to the teaching of nine pupils. She was convinced that the withdrawal of ethnic minority pupils was inadvisable in the face of prejudice against them. Ideally, she felt, the role of an ESL teacher should be as a support to the class teacher with an interest and concern for the progress of all pupils, but it would depend on collaboration from other staff. She found other teachers showed good will and concern for ethnic minority pupils but were extremely nervous about making any concessions towards 'multiculturalism' in the belief that it would provoke antagonism in the white children and not be welcomed by the ethnic minorities. The unanimous view amongst staff and pupils was that the Asians were 'persona non grata' in the school and community, that they were disliked and discriminated against but that it was their own fault.

School C4
1. The stated aim and objectives for this large co-educational comprehensive school, which had only 6 per cent pupils of ethnic minority origin, included the following:

- to combat both explicitly and implicitly the destructive force of racism;

- to relate the work of the school to the changing nature, needs and demands of society at large;

- to develop in pupils an awareness of the nature of that society.


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As a consequence the curriculum of the school made direct reference to racism and, in the words of a senior member of staff: 'This is an aspect of the work of the school which is ripe for development'. A Working Party was being set up to prepare a report to the LEA.

2. Racism is admitted by staff to be rife in the school but apart from in Social Studies there has never been a unified staff attempt to introduce a multicultural curriculum, (parents challenge even the little which is being done about Race in Social Studies). The two year syllabus for RE is circumspect and cosmetic stating in its preamble the aim 'to encourage greater sensitivity to the needs of other people ... and to show the religious basis of compassion', but making no direct reference to other religions. Perhaps the greatest danger of a half-hearted approach was expressed by a black teacher in this school who stressed the danger of pupils regarding this subject as one of low status and only for those not interested in academic subjects so that they switch off. Little money was spent on the subject. The Head of English is sympathetic to the aims of multicultural education but is too enmeshed in the basic difficulties of organising the department to give much time to it. He felt that some novels such as the 'Taste of Honey' were useful in the discussion of prejudice but only an indirect approach was practicable in the classroom.

3. There had been considerable vocal and literary support for the National Front in schools. Physical attacks on Asians ('Paki-bashing') was a 'part of the local culture'. Pupils therefore regard Pakistanis and Indians as 'fair game'. Older brothers of school pupils were active and committed members of the National Front. The British Movement used to recruit actively from school pupils but recently it had collapsed. Traditionally the parents and forebears of the children were dock workers who tenaciously retained 'the ticket' (the right to a job handed down in the family) the concomitant of which was the repulse of everybody else, especially immigrants who were kept out or even literally driven away from the area which in character was like a parochial village. Within school there was a general lack of motivation - 'What's the point of doing exams? My father's got a job for me' many would say. School attendance was poor and in the fifth year only about a half of the pupils were present at any time. 30 to 40 pupils were never seen but stayed at home for no particular reason but with the connivance of parents.

4. In the face of the predominant racism in the neighbourhood and therefore in the majority of pupils, the attitudes of the staff were said to fall into one of three positions: a. acceptance of the inevitable, b. confrontation on the grounds of and by means of politics, c. a reliance on forming good relations with pupils who expected confrontation from staff and who thereby 'have the wind taken out of their sails'. Any overt racist verbal or physical attacks were treated as violations of school discipline and punished accordingly. A teacher who said 'It is essential to combat racism on the ground with kids and colleagues', asked the question 'Will every member of staff have the courage to do it?' In such a situation the staff may not get support from the home. An incident was quoted by this teacher who had reproved a boy for racist behaviour in school. The teacher threatened to inform his father but the boy replied 'Oh he says the same thing'. The same teacher reported that the school employed two Asian teachers as permanent supply teaches. He felt that in a school with pupils for whom racism was 'second nature', Asian teachers should not be placed in the most vulnerable posts which implicitly had little status.

5. A staff Working Party was mainly absorbed with an approach to the problem through the Humanities. Their task was aggravated by the literary impoverishment and the reality of a huge remedial education requirement in the school. Of the present intake, 30 per cent of the children had no reading score, 60 per cent had lower reading ages than chronological ages, leaving only 10 per cent of the children with reading ages equal to or higher than chronological age. One aim therefore was to relate a first year Integrated Studies Syllabus to the improvement of reading skills. Teachers involved in this programme did not criticise the feeder schools which they felt lacked parental support. Ethnic minority parents who had had a number of children at the school were on good


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terms with staff and attended Report Evenings but did not join the PTA: special social relations between them and the staff were considered to be too difficult. Also indigenous parents would probably be too unfriendly.

School C5
1. The catchment area of this medium sized co-educational comprehensive school consisted of a largely white population of labourers. Although situated close to' areas of intensive ethnic minority population, the school had less than 5 per cent ethnic minority pupils, the majority West Indian. The Head described a 'strong neighbourhood spirit. It is described as racist by the younger members of staff, but are they jumping at shadows?' he asked. He insisted that there was no racist behaviour in the school. In his view there should be a few ethnic minority children in each school so that 'adaptation' could more easily take place. (The concept in his mind is perhaps more accurately described as 'assimilation' since the 'adaptation' was expected from the ethnic minorities.) 'As a school we have not taken much account of being in a multi-ethnic society. This is a neighbourhood school and we do not rub shoulders with other groups.' A part of the answer he said was to 'try to build up an accepting attitude of others' and he described the results on himself of travelling abroad on holiday to the Far East. He had discovered 'how civilised other nationals are. Of course, the trouble comes when they haven't the same level as us of civilisation.' He added, 'It's a pity that God in his mercy chose to give some a different colour'. The Head's aim had always been 'to create a school which preserves the dignity and self-esteem of every individual in it'. Referring to the pupils he said, 'Behaviourwise the spectrum of ethnic minorities is not different from that of whites - just more volatile'. The Head was described by several members of staff as 'charismatic' and by others as 'paternalistic'.

2. The neighbourhood was referred to by the Deputy Head as a 'village community which strongly defends its working class traditions and prejudices'. He described some long-established black people who had married white wives and were now resentful of, and prejudiced against, more recent immigrants. They felt their status had been lowered by being classed with other immigrants. The resentment was now exacerbated by unemployment for which immigrants were blamed. Another disturbing feature was that because they could usually get jobs white pupils left school at 16. There was also evidence of animosity between Asians and West Indians who identified with whites and proved themselves in sport. Asians 'suffered silently and didn't complain'. When pupils were rebuked for racism in class, their parents had complained to the school. A white girl, who supported Asians in a discussion, was victimised by class mates and had to be transferred to another class. Thirty per cent of school entrants were described as having reading problems. 'The area had become denuded of brighter families and their places taken by "questionable" families and the community spirit weakened. Housing shortages had created the problem of immigrant multiple occupation', it was claimed.

3. The Head of Religious Education is hopeful about its success on the basis of a new two-year syllabus dealing with a. Old Testament Stories and b. World Religions. This view was arrived at as a result of two experiences. The first was impressionistic following discussions with parents of some of the second year pupils when they attended a Parents' Evening. 'The parent thought it was marvellous that their children went home and discussed the multi-faith lessons often relating what they had learnt to the content of TV News; the parents also said they had learnt from their children.' (Not one of this group of pupils ever attended a place of worship.) The second source of evidence was an assessment of the two-year course by means of a questionnaire by which the teacher learned that the children had enjoyed the course and retained a substantial amount of information about a number of the religions studied.

4. An attempt to deal with race and immigration on a third year course met with open hostility which continued through the course. The Head of Social Studies now avoids any open approach


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to the subject. The school intention is to introduce it next year in Integrated Studies for first and second years. Open discussion of prejudice or the consideration of other cultures was felt to be impossible. Extracts from literature and poems are used which are 'productive of tolerance' but even then there were some parental objections - 'We don't want anything to do with inferior races ... your books are against the white man'. In the light of this, the English department is against any policy which 'goes overboard'.

5. There was no staff policy on racist name-calling - e.g. the Head did not think the term 'Paki' to be defamatory. In fact a significant number of staff did not see 'what all the fuss was about'. The Head of Senior School insisted that he would not tolerate any overt demonstration of racism so that anyone who wore a National Front emblem would be sent home to change. There were one or two instances of this each term. He blamed television influence as 'pernicious' and following the coverage of the Brixton disorders, 'the school had to tidy up the mess'. The Head of Middle School was more complacent and expressed a great deal of satisfaction about his area of responsibility: the ethnic minority pupils got on well, there was no segregation of groups. Stress was placed on good pastoral arrangements in the third and fourth years by the organisation of pupils into half classes under the care of one teacher who was expected to know a great deal about the children. 'The organisation provides a caring institution' and this was important for the ethnic minorities, 'so we don't have the problems other schools have'. Staff often did not understand cultural differences but ethnic minority parents were given a chance to put their point of view and there were 'few confrontations' between staff and parents. Pupils were not expected to wear a school uniform and so were allowed to express their own personality. Also they were not excluded from the premises in out-of-class time, and this freedom was well accepted.

6. The Head of Lower School stated 'We are really concerned about multicultural education in a school like this'. He was convinced by his experience in his last school that there was a large proportion of black pupils who had a feeling of being rejected all round. In this school there was a good staff, he said, who cared about the pupils and gave up some of their own time, e.g. to discuss pupil cases with the visiting psychologist.

7. An Indian teacher stated that the children of the school were not willing to accept anyone of a difference race from theirs. He had a very difficult time at the beginning, but he persisted with firmness. 'Whatever my colour', he said to the pupils, 'I am here to teach you; you have to accept me as a teacher'. The situation had changed very little. 'Children still look at me as an alien who is not supposed to be here', he said. Recently a fifth year girl refused to do any work for him, 'because you are a Paki', she announced. The Head excluded her from school. 'I have to overcome the difficulty of teaching and also overcome racism.' In his last school he had helped to organise a successful Asian evening in which Asian children were involved in various activities. 'Here', he said, 'It would be disastrous to attempt such an event'.

8. The Head of English confirmed that prejudice was overt and that racist cliches were regularly 'trotted out'. The policy of his department was to 'treat all kids the same way'. This was helped by the organisation of the school in mixed ability groups which was the way they were regarded in his department, and 'not as mixed cultures'. There was no arrangement for the teaching of English as a second language.

9. The Head of Social Studies had come to the school from a school in a black area. On her arrival at this mainly white school she was greeted with Nazi signs and terms such as 'nigger lover' written on the blackboard. It was 'swept under the carpet' by senior management but she was aware of its 'threatening undercurrent'. In connection with her CSE course work, she had raised a question with a class about features of Asian culture and asked the class to do some research on Asian girls in Britain. The mother of a white girl complained, 'Now she's doing this thing on Paki'. She finds that posters and other visual materials depicting other cultures get defaced. Books receive similar treatment, especially when immigrants are referred to or visually represented as a separate group.


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10. The Head of Integrated Studies referred to his use experimentally two years ago with a third year form of materials dealing with race. Whereas normally he would expect the class to be silent on racial matters, in connection with these materials, the white pupils reacted in strong racist terms. They were difficult to manage. As a result the other teachers on the Social Studies staff were frightened and the course was dropped. 'I want to put a Race Pack in the library and my aim would be to use it as apart of school policy.' He felt however that there was a reluctance in the Head and senior staff to expose the racial prejudice which was present in the school. Also each attempt he made to raise it in the Social Studies Department was met by an admission of fear and so his wishes had been impeded.

III Meetings with the LEAs
Meetings with the three LEAs were arranged in order that officers of the authorities could be informed of the findings of the study. The following notes record the main points raised at the meetings:

LEA A
1. The report of the visits was discussed at a meeting with the Chief Education Officer and one of the Authority's senior inspectors. Both had some experience earlier in their careers of serving in multiracial schools and areas and recognised the importance of all pupils in multiracial Britain being prepared in thinking and in attitude to live in a community and a part of the country which may well be very different from the insular all-white community in which they now lived. Both nevertheless remained cautious about the way the subject of multicultural education was approached, particularly in relation to elected members, school governors, parents and teachers.

2. The Authority's adviser had been instrumental in arranging a regional course of in service education on the theme of 'multicultural education in a predominantly indigenous residential area'. A pilot project was expected to begin shortly.

3. The LEA had not so far provided any policy or guidance to schools on multicultural education but it was the intention to do so soon.

LEA B
1. A meeting with the Chief Education Officer and several senior colleagues was held to discuss the findings of the study. I told them in general terms about the nature of the findings - appalling ignorance about the facts concerning immigration and ethnic minorities, widespread racial prejudice amongst pupils, the failure of almost all teachers in these schools to adopt strategies or orient their curricula to counter the existence of prejudice or to cultivate in their pupils positive attitudes which will lead to racial harmony. I referred to the few exceptions I found usually in RE and Drama.

2. The officers felt that the appointment of suitable head teachers would be a catalyst in promoting the cause of multicultural education and the subject was now covered in depth in the interviews for headships.

3. It was clear however that although elected members were convinced of the need for, and accepted, the responsibility of providing a suitable multicultural education in multiracial schools, it was doubtful whether they could be persuaded of the need for it in all-white schools.

4. A policy statement on race relations had recently been issued to all schools - responses were awaited at the time of the meeting.

LEA C
1. A meeting with the Chief Education Officer and senior colleagues was held to discuss the findings of the survey. Although the authority has experience of dealing with the educational


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needs of ethnic minority children, the officers were unaware of the prevalent thinking on multicultural education in the mainly all white schools. The authority's Chief lnspector and the Inspector detailed to have responsibility for multicultural education admitted that they had found little or no time to look into this question. Indeed, whereas a great deal had been and was still being done in providing in-service multicultural education for multiracial schools (and much of it conducted within schools) the authority had not applied itself to a consideration of the different needs of the mainly white schools. A full time multicultural adviser was due to take up post soon after the meeting and it was clear that this area would have some priority in his brief.

2. The Chief Education Officer referred to a policy statement on multicultural education which had been sent to all primary and secondary schools in 1982 together with a request to each school to formulate its own policy on multicultural education through staff discussions. The schools were asked to forward their statements to the LEA. The Director said that the responses had been very unsatisfactory and one all white Roman Catholic school had expressed indignation at being asked to consider a field which they considered irrelevant. Other schools had responded by asking for more help and guidance in drawing up a statement of their multicultural objectives some of these showed how much schools were out of touch with current thinking in multicultural matters.


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APPENDIX A

Questionnaire completed by a fourth year form at School C2 following the use of a race relations teaching pack

1. What was the effect of the British Empire on the economies of countries like Africa and India? Put GOOD or BAD, and give a reason for your answer.

Good 20%
Bad 12%
Don't know or unanswered 68%
Only one reason given: they helped out with jobs and cared for them e.g. India.

2. In the last twenty years have more people left Britain, or come into Britain? Put MORE HAVE LEFT or MORE HAVE ENTERED.

Left 80%
Entered 4%
Don't know 16%
3. Were black people encouraged to come to Britain after the last War? Put YES or NO.
Yes 96%
No 4%
Don't know nil
4a. When black people came to Britain after the War they got jobs which white people didn't want. Put YES or No.
Yes 84%
No 8%
Don't know 8%
4b. Black people are more likely to get the worst kind of housing. YES or NO
Yes 56%
No 28%
Don't know 16%
4c. Black people are more likely to be unemployed than white people. YES or NO
Yes 52%
No 28%
Don't know 20%
4d. Are black people discriminated against by the Police? Put YES or NO.
Yes 40%
No 28%
Don't know 32%
5a. Do you think black people are discriminated against in the fields of housing? Put YES or NO.
Yes 52%
No 40%
Don't know 8%
5b. Jobs? Put YES or NO.
Yes 32%
No 52%
Don't know 16%
5c. Education? Put YES or NO.
Yes 32%
No 64%
Don't know 4%


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5d. 'A smaller percentage of black people get council houses than white working class people.' YES or NO.

Yes 60%
No 28%
Don't know 12%
6. Do you think many black people are coming to Britain in the 1980's? Put YES or NO.
Yes 60%
No 24%
Don't know 16%
7. What are your own views about the question of black people and discrimination? Refer to any or all of the topics in Question 5.'

Examples:

Critical:

blacks are treated well considering they are immigrants. (5 times)
they must conform to the British way of life - not bring turbans (twice)
blacks are always complaining so if its better in their own country why don't they all go back there (twice)
I don't like blacks or Asians and even if Asians would all dress and look the same as us they would still be black.
Favourable:
they are discriminated against because they are left out (twice)
some of my friends are coloured and I get on well with them
Neutral:
some blacks are OK but certain black immigrants I don't like
I don't think in housing and education they are discriminated against - maybe in some areas they are
Ethnic minority responses:
all blacks and Asians get discriminated against by whites with bad housing, in jobs, picked on by whites in school, racial attacks and black teachers get abuse from older pupils;
it's not fair blacks get blamed for everything.
8. What are the reasons for unemployment in this area in the 1980's.

Responses:

there are not enough jobs to go round because too many blacks have come to our country.
All other answers give economic or other non-racial reasons.

9. What are the reasons for a shortage of housing, and poor housing in this area in the 1980's?

Examples:

there are too many Pakistanis who take government's money in Social Services so there is not enough for housing (twice)
black people have taken them over (3 times)
All other answers given are neutral.

10. Why has this area a history of prejudice towards immigrant groups? (The Jews, the Irish). Why were Mosley and the Blackshirts active before the last War?

This area is prejudiced because blacks have slowly pushed white people out.
People believe that blacks shouldn't live in Britain.


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Teenagers are fed up of them trying to take over the country (3 a load of slum areas (twice).
People believe the country should be white and want it for themselves.
Remainder: don't know or unanswered.
11. Do you think white working class people have problems in common with black people?
Yes 50%
No 20%
Don't know 24%
Example:
Yes, because white people are finding it hard to get jobs and black people have got jobs.
12. What can be done to solve these problems?

Unfavourable:

send all the black people back (5 times).
sack the black people and give jobs to the whites (3 times).
Favourable:
the whole population has to become more friendly try to find out the truth and trust other people.
Remainder: don't know or unanswered.

13. Why do you think some white young people join groups like the NF or the British Movement?

Examples:

Support of National Front:

to get the blacks out (3 times)
they hate blacks and try to get them out
because they hate blacks as much as we do (twice)
Neutral:
they want to look 'hard' in front of their friends
because their parents drum it into them that blacks and Pakis ruin Britain
Ethnic minorities:
because they're against us
they think we are taking over their country.
14. Do you think groups like the NF or British Movement should be banned? Put YES or No, give your reasons.
Yes 56%
No 20%
Don't know 24%
Examples:

Support NF and BM:

because I'm fed up with black people as much as they are they are trying to help their country solve its problems (twice)
they are truly English.

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Opposed to NF and BM:

because they start trouble (3 times)
because black people haven't done anything to them so why go around bullying them?
Neutral:
they have the same rights as political parties (4 times)
Ethnic minorities:
yes, there wouldn't be as many riots
they can't do much just trying to scare us out of the country.
15. What is your opinion of these groups?

Examples:

Support of NF:

they're all right it's a British country
groups like this I think are good but I only think that because I don't like blacks. If you are black or you like blacks you would think these groups are sick.
Opposed to NF:
I think these groups are terrible I think they should be banned
Neutral:
it's up to them what they do but I wouldn't join them.
16. What would have made the course more interesting?

Examples:

get Asians' and blacks points of view (twice)
more discussions and asking the blacks what they think of whites have coloured persons to come in and speak on their views.
17. Why do you think the teacher asked you to follow this course?

Example:

to brainwash us.
The remainder show a general awareness of the need to inform, to help relations, to obtain views about race.

Additional questions.

1. What do you think are the results of racial prejudice in this area?

Examples:

there is misery and a wider gap in understanding each other
there is hatred between black and white and the police, anger and fights and bad housing for blacks and Asians
there are attacks and killings on blacks and Asians and are getting worse hatred between blacks and whites.
Remainder: unanswered.

2. Have you learnt anything you did not know before from the course? YES or NO. If yes give an example.

Yes 40%
No 16%
Undecided 44%

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Changed:

Now beginning to understand them more
understand better black person's view but there is not difference between them and us found out the truth about coloureds and how they really live
I know now they don't take our jobs and houses
Unchanged:
no it was a waste of time; we should have sent the Pakis back
no I know my own opinion and will not change my mind
no I know what I know and will not change my mind
I have learnt a lot from the course but still my mind is not changed.
Ethnic minorities:
not much just that we are not the cause of the problems
that we Asians are not the only ones attacked.
3. Have your own views about racial prejudice changed in any way during the course? YES or NO. If yes give an example. If no give your reasons.
Yes 32%
No 40%
Undecided 28%
Examples:

Unchanged:

no but not prejudiced against blacks only against Asians because the country stinks of curry
no but I don't know why
no not in any way at all but many of the things I thought they were the cause of have now gone
Changed:
I've realised they've got feelings like us and had a hard time in this city
they don't take our jobs and don't do the muggings
blacks are not to blame for the situation in our country now I understand them.

4. Have you found this course interesting? YES or NO or PART OF IT.
Yes 36%
No 4%
Part of it 60%
Gratuitous comments
teacher gave us ideas that blacks are nice but when I gave my own opinion I was called 'big mouth'.
I found it interesting but when I gave my views I was called sick so I kept my thoughts to myself.
the sessions did drag on as I don't like speaking in front of class.
5. Which parts of the course did you find most interesting? Give examples.

Examples:

no it was not interesting because blacks just cause trouble and that's it
it was interesting that the teacher said that he liked multi-colour culture (twice)
several elements in the course were mentioned.

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6. Which part of the course did you find least interesting? Give examples.

Several items in the course were mentioned e.g. housing, because I'm not interested in their housing problems; they can fend for themselves. TV films - I did not believe what they were saying. What was coming out of it was rubbish.

7. Do you think a course like this should be taught to other classes in the school. YES or NO. Give reasons.

Yes 56%
No 20%
Undecided 24%
Examples:

Positive:

because it may change the views of people therefore creating better relationships
because they will know what to expect when they get older
because most people do not know the facts about race and cultures
because we took blacks the wrong way so others should know.
Negative:
We should be given more freedom in our views because teachers tried too much to make us not prejudiced
most of it was not true
they'd feel as we felt about it - we didn't agree
teacher telling you what to believe and not taking any notice of what we think.
8. Is there anything you think should be included in a course like this? YES or NO. If yes give an example.

Examples:

marriages of different cultures (5 times)
teachers should let us have our say for once instead of not taking a blind bit of notice.
9. Is there anything you think should not have been included in the course? Give examples and reasons if necessary.

Examples:

to say that blacks get bad housing is wrong; if they want nice housing they should work for it; they can find jobs if they look really hard; with money from the NHSS and Social Security they should easily be able to afford their own house; if they don't like poor housing they should go back home.

Hitler was boring (twice).

Other items in the course were mentioned.


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ANNEX D

A Report of Visits to Schools With Few or No Ethnic Minority Pupils by Laurie Fallows (Formerly County Adviser, Lancashire County Council)



1. The project set out to ascertain the extent to which a small sample of schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils were responding to the need to prepare all pupils for life in multi-racial Britain. Consideration was to be given to the appropriateness of curriculum content, its presentation and the attitudes conveyed by teachers, text books, visual and auditory aids. It was also hoped to assess among the local community, the pupils and teachers, the nature, degree and origins of prejudice, and to identify reinforcing or modifying agencies.

2. During the winter of 1982/83 thirteen schools situated in three LEAs were visited. All three LEAs were County Councils; LEAs X and Z were largely rural authorities with few if any ethnic minority children whilst LEA Y had more mixed areas and some ethnic minority children in a number of schools. The schools were chosen from a short list provided by each of the LEAs and were selected to be representative of the full 5-18 age range and to include both county and voluntary schools. The wide range covered by the variety of types of school enabled impressions to be gathered on the earlier stages of prejudice and discrimination and their subsequent reinforcement or modification by natural or contrived processes over a considerable age span. Two full days were spent in each secondary school and one full day in each primary school.

3. On completion of the visits, arrangements were made to acquaint the LEAs concerned with the findings and to discuss with them the wider issues of multi-cultural education. Notes of these meetings are attached as an appendix to this report.

4. The notes which follow are not intended to portray a complete picture of the schools visited neither do they seek to pass judgement on them or their respective staffs. Indeed tribute must be paid to all of the Headteachers, teachers, pupils, governors and ancillary workers whom I met for their willingness to discuss their work.

School XI

1. School XI is a medium sized infants school in a market town., It is organised into a Reception Unit, and two parallel vertical groups operating in linked units. As a training unit for NNEB students the staff is augmented by at least one other adult. It receives senior pupils from a local secondary school on work experience programmes, and has a regular rota of parental assistance. The adult community of the school is almost exclusively female. The school is situated in a large post-war housing development, but draws its pupils from beyond the town boundaries, including a large over-wintering caravan site for Travellers and Gypsies. There are seven Travellers' children currently on roll. Some will remain over the winter months, but others may leave at short notice. The school has been adopted by the non-Catholic Travellers as 'their' school, to which the children are brought by private transport.

2. The Head's stated philosophy includes: 'Within all our work we try to help children to develop a good self-image, to be considerate and caring in their relationships, to grow in self-awareness, to develop an awareness of the needs of others, to be happy in school and contribute to its well-being in so far as they can'. These objectives are fully in concord with the principles of multi-cultural education, and it is probably not unfair to say that in part they reflect a response to the special needs of minority group children, Travellers and handicapped, within the school community, into which the Head and other teachers have been involved in extensive study.


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3. The curriculum follows traditional lines, but it is noteworthy that in recently changing the reading syllabus, the staff had sought a basic scheme that would help to 'broaden the children's horizons'. They settled for 'Reading 360' (Ginn) that introduced naturally children and adults of other ethnic groups. Some of their back-up readers extend this experience, and the 'Terraced House Books' series (Methuen) in which the text are illustrated by colour photographs, often of ethnic minority people living and working in this country, indirectly stress the similarities rather than the differences among them. Nevertheless, the majority of the other reading and library books reflect traditional Anglocentric values and attitudes.

4. During the visit the older pupils were seen rehearsing the school's annual Nativity Play. Most knew that it was set in Bethlehem, but had little realisation of where that was. The general impression seemed to be that it was probably somewhere in the South of England. On the surface it appeared that an opportunity to introduce its multi-cultural aspects had been neglected, but this might also be alleged of its religious significance. The part of Joseph was played by a lively, outgoing boy from the Travellers' winter settlement and it was clear that the other children displayed no unhealthy emotions towards him. Another, more withdrawn, Travelling pupil, told me that his only real friend was another Traveller, and that sometimes the others called him names - 'Fat Harry' (he was quite slim). The impression gained was that this was a reaction to this child's somewhat serious and withdrawn personality, possibly inculcated by an unsettled nomadic existence often in more hostile environments, rather than a response to the Travelling children in general.

5. The Head referred to their secure, close-knit social background and averred that as a relatively settled community the Travellers suffered much less from prejudice and discrimination locally than in other places. Because of the relationships built up over twelve years, the Traveller parents were less prejudiced and suspicious towards the teachers. They showed a genuine interest in the school, supported its activities, and ensured that their children were clean, well-dressed, well-spoken and respectful at all times. Easy, friendly relationships had been established between the local and the travelling mothers, and also between their children, although these friendships were apparently limited to school hours. The local children exhibited no hostility towards the Travelling children, each of whom was accepted on a purely personal basis. Sensitive enquiries failed to reveal negative stereotypes on either side. This applied equally to ethnic minorities, although it was apparent that their knowledge of them was very limited.

6. I took with me some Indian infant school story books written in English, and read stories to small groups of children, showing them the illustrations as the stories developed, Subsequent questioning revealed that they were virtually oblivious of the fact that the names, clothing and scenes were unmistakably Indian. It was the characters and their reactions to universal situations with which the children readily identified that held their attention, illustrating that at this virtually 'colour blind' stage they were perceiving similarities, not differences.

7. The teachers' attitudes towards minority children had been modified over a four-year period when they had had within the school a pupil suffering from terminal cystic fibrosis. They had been greatly exercised in ensuring that the other children, and they themselves, developed positive and helpful attitudes not only to him, but to others who were different from or less fortunate than themselves. I was able to talk to this child's mother, a helper in the school, who spoke feelingly about the hurtful comments of one or two children that had tended to undermine her son's self-image and self-confidence, and the distressing irrational attitudes of some adults towards herself because of his illness.

8. All the teachers were currently attending in-service courses on different aspects of education. Several had followed courses on handicapped pupils and Travelling children. Course attendance generally reflected a personal concern with practical aspects of their everyday work, into which the concept of multi-racial education had not yet directly entered. Like many other teachers in


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all-white areas their preoccupation with immediate problems or difficulties appeared to minimise the relevance to them of the principles of multi-cultural education. Two of the young teachers had received their initial training at colleges in which multi-cultural education was offered as an option which neither had taken up. Nevertheless they had both undertaken teaching practices in multi-racial schools and their attitudes appeared to be more sympathetic to multi-cultural principles than some other teachers.

9. The overall impression of the school was one of a warm, friendly caring community with a conscientious staff dedicated to the social, emotional and educational development of all its pupils, respecting individual differences, fostering positive self-images and inculcating an awareness of the needs of others and positive responses towards them. Racial and cultural stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are absent from the experience of its pupils, and the school's general philosophy, sense of direction and aura would seem to safeguard their exclusion. Its only deficiency would appear to rest in its failure to portray realistically and accurately, especially in its reading material, its visuals and curriculum content, the multi-cultural complexity of modern society.

School X2

1. School X2, a large co-educational comprehensive school formed recently by the amalgamation of two single sex secondary modern schools, is situated in a former textile manufacturing town where poverty and deprivation are almost unknown. The working people seldom leave the area, and the conservative 'locals', do not easily accept 'off-comers'. This tends to isolate the teachers socially from the majority of parents. There are virtually no ethnic or foreign national-minorities and, I was informed, stereotypes, prejudice, and even racist attitudes are inherent, especially among the lower socio-economic groups.

2. Few of the teachers are local and several have taught in multi-racial schools or in multi-racial areas. Predictably, their major preoccupation focuses on creating and developing a dynamic, supportive and caring ethos and learning environment in which to promote the effective academic, intellectual, personal and social development of their pupils. They see this as necessitating a concentration, in the first instance, on the perceived, immediate needs of the pupils and the expectations of the local community, limited though these may be. Considerations like multi-cultural education are seen as probably important but not immediately germane to the present situation.

3. The curriculum is based on an amalgam of those of the previous schools with additions to cater for the more able pupils, and is under constant review and modification. A number of Department heads assured me that when future curriculum change was implemented they would endeavour to embrace the principles of multi-cultural education. They were prepared to accept change from that direction, and some went further to suggest that a national statement (not a directive) on multi-cultural education from the DES would be welcomed.

Religious Education
4. This subject aims to help pupils recognise and develop personal attitudes, and consider some of the deeper aspects of human experience. For third year pupils it concentrates on comparative religion and involves study of world religions other than Christianity, but in particular Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism and Sikhism. These religions and Judaism are also introduced in the first and second year syllabuses. The staff conceded the indifference of all pupils beyond the first year to the study of religion, whether Christianity or other faiths. The pupils, mostly lacking in faith themselves and without the benefit of family or community


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religious commitment and tradition, fail to see its relevance either now or in their future lives. Their most positive response is to the study of the lives of religious heroes and martyrs that include Mother Theresa, Martin Luther King and Dietrich Bonnhoeffer. It became apparent that in the main the syllabus related more to the history and philosophy of religions, rather than to their practice and traditions, aspects in which older pupils expressed keen interest.

5. It may, or may not, be significant that none of the RE teachers had ever been visited by, or even met, a specialist RE adviser or HMI. Two of the three had not even received the benefit of a study of comparative religions in their initial training. That RE teachers in this school are totally dependent on their own initiatives and enthusiasm to develop their professional skills and their syllabuses in what must be recognised as a dramatically changing situation is to be greatly deplored and reflects badly on initial and in-service education, and on their LEAs advisory service.

English
6. The Head of English fully accepts the importance of the principles of multi-cultural education but concedes that they feature only incidentally, if at all, in current English syllabuses. Further, he places them at low priority bearing in mind a primary commitment to building up a strong Department, and a personal conviction that since the majority of pupils will never leave their immediate monocultural environment, developing positive attitudes towards ethnic or cultural minorities is irrelevant to their needs.

7. While unable or unwilling to initiate curriculum change within his subject area, he nevertheless acknowledges that change is occurring, largely in multi-cultural schools and areas, and would happily follow a national lead, particularly if this was implemented through external examination syllabuses. In discussing examination prescribed or suggested literary texts he emphasised the great popularity of such works as 'To Kill a Mocking Bird', 'Kes', 'Cider with Rosie' and 'Spring and Port Wine', and the utter rejection of others, of which 'Pygmalion' stood out. 'To Kill a Mocking Bird' had provided a vehicle for open discussion of some racial issues, and it was interesting to learn that after heart-searching discussion the word 'Wogs' and other derogatory racial innuendoes had been expunged from a school performance of 'Zigger Zagger'. On accent and dialect he had noted that while pupils had commented in scornful amusement at West Indian dialects, they were equally, if not more scornful of, other English regional dialects.

8. Although the school has a very well-stocked library, it contains very few books about ethnic minorities, and those reflected a dated Anglocentric view. Many of the books about other countries suffer from a similar stance and oversimplification, very often in terms of want, underdevelopment, and other negative features. The librarian confessed she had never considered the need for the library to reflect the multi-racial constitution of contemporary British society, nor had anyone suggested such a need.

History
9. A traditional approach was the basis of the curriculum, starting with a study of ancient Western civilisation and following a largely chronological development interspersed with wide range 'patch' topics and drawing on a wealth of local historical associations. The fourth and fifth year pupils followed predictable CSE and GCE O Level courses in English and European history, but notable exceptions were a CSE course in 20th Century World History and a joint 16+ GCE/CSE course where the school had opted for a study of Communist China. It was surprising that in a major subject inspection by LEA advisers last year, no mention had been made about multi-racial considerations, and no observations passed about a very Anglocentric third year study of the British Empire. The Head of Department confessed that he had never thought about the implications of such an approach, and was visibly disturbed about its possible impact on the pupils in the development of their attitudes. Following the inspection, the school had introduced into the third year syllabus a short study of Parliament and democracy, and in this context it was possible if only superficially, to refer to policies on immigration, race relations and kindred issues.


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Geography
10. Only a brief discussion was possible with one member of the Department. She claimed that the Department followed courses that, in looking at other countries, endeavoured to depict a balanced view. Nevertheless, it appeared that in considering primarily the economies of the 'third world' countries, the overall impression conveyed to pupils might be one of total underdevelopment and deprivation.

11. It is perhaps appropriate at this juncture to record that the school had links with the United Nations Association, of which the Head is local Secretary, the Council for Education in World Citizenship, UNICEF and other charitable organisations that, in order to evoke an emotional, fund-raising response, depict a one-sided aspect of other nations and cultures thereby establishing and reinforcing negative stereotypes. Several of the teachers I spoke to were aware of the potential dangers of a proliferation of such propaganda.

Sixth form
12. The school maintains an open sixth form divided fairly evenly between O Level resits or upgradings, first year A Level and second-year A Level groups (for which there is a surprisingly wide choice of subjects). Bearing in mind the secondary modern origins, this is not an academic or balanced sixth form.

13. I had the opportunity of conducting a seminar for the Upper Sixth and posed the question: 'Has your school education adequately equipped you for adult life?' The quality of discussion was high, and the easy dialogue between boys and girls who up to three years ago were completely segregated, was impressive. The discussion was of necessity discursive, but certain of the pupils' concerns came quickly to the fore. These included a strong feeling that their religious education had been boring and irrelevant. It emerged that had it embraced a consideration of life's great issues and a review of the ways in which different world religions approached them, and study of the practice of other religions, including the many different Christian Sects however extreme, they would have been much happier to accept its compulsory status. The impression was strongly received that they were interested in the beliefs and religious observances of ethnic minority groups in this country as part of a process of understanding and accepting them into a plural society.

14. A very interesting discussion arose from the comment of one perceptive pupil who complained that in A Level courses, especially history, she had had to revise the attitudes and values, even some of the facts, that had been implanted throughout the preceding five years in courses leading up to O Level. In effect, although they were unable to articulate the fact, it emerged that a narrow Anglocentric view of the world and its history had been presented to them through text books, teachers and examination courses which they had accepted unquestioningly. Only now, when they were being encouraged to question and challenge all statements and attitudes, had they come to realise that they had been indoctrinated with an outdated, insular, often indefensible set of values and attitudes. That they had been forced to reject many of these values and attitudes implied, if not a rejection, as least a suspicion of all they had been taught. What disturbed them most of all was the thought that while they, representing less than 10% of the year group were in the fortunate position of being able to modify implanted attitudes and values, more than 90% had left school believing implicitly in them, and with little incentive or opportunity to have their opinions altered. A further bone of contention was the fact that they felt that education had denied them access to political ideas, and that they would probably leave school politically illiterate and comparatively easy prey to the first political pressure group that confronted them.

15. The discussion was led towards a consideration of the ethnic minorities in this country, and the general feeling towards them was one of sympathy for their disadvantages and a strong


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desire to know more about them, their cultures and traditions in the hope of establishing a mutually tolerant plural society. They all expected to meet members of ethnic minority groups, and felt that knowledge would help them to forge sound relationships.

Ethnic Minority Pupils
16. I was able to talk briefly to four ethnic minority pupils, from Africa, Pakistan, Hong Kong and the Caribbean. On the whole they felt they were not discriminated against in any way, although the Caribbean boy admitted that very rarely he had had remarks about his dark colour, to which he had retorted with comments about the physical attributes of his revilers, which effectively terminated the encounters. He seemed quite amused by it. The African girl, a six foot tall, seventeen year old, had been the recipient of a number of hurtful remarks, but these had all been about her height, not her colour. They all stressed how happy they were in the school and with their total acceptance by their peers. The second Deputy Head of the school informed me that one of the white pupils had been beaten up, on a visit to a multi-racial area, by a small gang of coloured youths. His reaction had been that the colour was coincidental, and that he might equally have received the same treatment from white youths. The experience had not appeared to evoke in him any form of racial reaction.

Conclusion
17. The overriding general impression was one of a recently-created organism struggling for survival and recognition, and that until these had been assured in terms of artificial criteria imposed by an insular, cautious community unconvinced as yet of the need for any change, causes such as multi-cultural education had little hope of recognition save by the initiatives and commitment of dedicated, individual teachers.

School X3

1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a small market town, the economy of which is closely linked with agriculture and associated services. Although most of the teachers move into the area from distant parts, it appears that they quickly adopt the local lifestyle and attitudes, and accept as normal the restricted horizons. Unemployment is well below the national average and most of the school leavers find work locally.

2. The intake year (11+) is broad-banded into 3 parallel upper-ability forms and 2 lower, and operates as a self-contained community in a unit that physically reflects the informal, often very small primary schools from which the pupils are drawn. The lower school follows a traditional curriculum, with only the more able pupils taking French, the only modern language. In years 4 and 5 all pupils must take English, mathematics, geography and religious education, and 5 options from a range of GCE O Level, CSE and non-examination subjects. The sixth form, at present numbering 50 pupils, offers a small range of subjects to A Level as well as O Level resits or CSE conversions.

English
3. The Head of English has attempted through careful selection of literary studies to extend the pupils' knowledge and experience beyond their immediate environment. Among fairly recent introductions, 'The Friends', 'My Mate Shofiq', 'To Kill a Mockingbird' and 'Walkabout' for example, have provided opportunities for the discussion of multi-racial issues in the context of shared experiences. Pupils' responses are reported to reveal sensitivity, empathy and real understanding. Racist works like 'The Splendid Journey' are also studied, though to a lesser degree, to enable pupils to recognise negative stereotyping and racial prejudice and to review their own values and attitudes. The Head of English felt that the girls have more firmly rooted racist attitudes than the boys, and that with both sexes these were more strongly directed towards


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Indians and Pakistanis, than towards West Indians or Africans. He considered that television exposure, especially in entertainment and sport, had made the latter appear more conformist, more 'human', and therefore more desirable as friends and heroes. He believed that the children are sufficiently sensitive and receptive to be able easily to modify their 'feelings' whenever they are able to meet ethnic minority peers.

Geography
4. The Geography department is committed to a global approach to the subject. The O Level course followed is based on world themes, and the CSE course a series of concentric studies viewed from a British Isles, EEC, then world perspective. They are aware that reference to Empire or Commonwealth evokes uninformed racist responses and therefore make no reference to them.

History
5. The Head of History did not appear to comprehend the implications of an approach that was fairly traditional and directly geared to O Level British Social and Economic History. Only in the third year do pupils look beyond imperial horizons when they study exploration and discovery, but even this appears to be dominated by Western European attitudes. Bemoaning the dullness and irrelevance of most text books, the Head of History averred that neither he nor his staff had the necessary training, knowledge or experience to incorporate say African and Asian history into the syllabuses. After ten years of teaching in the school he was aware that many pupils have racial prejudices, although he believed that these were now fewer and less firmly held.

Religious Education
6. Religious education, which does not appear to have any serious tradition in the school, is now taught by a newly-qualified teacher. During her one-year professional course she had taken an optional course on multi-cultural education. Although she has not yet introduced a new syllabus she has already brought in a consideration of other faiths. She reiterated concern about the inward-looking propensity of the pupils, and saw this reflected in their reluctance to learn about other faiths. She had been concerned about what appeared to be strong prejudice against Jews, but soon realised that this was based on folk mythology and was a superficial and easily modified attitude. She had also experienced strongly held sex roles.

Attitudes
7. A chemistry teacher had found in his General Studies (4th and 5th year) lessons what he referred to as a pronounced 'nigger-hating' attitude. He felt that television contributed to this situation, and wondered if National Front publicity might have been another factor.

8. Discussions with other teachers reinforced the impression that in this insular community with its inherent stereotyping and antipathy towards all other unfamiliar groups or individuals, racial prejudice is perhaps no stronger than other forms. Its retention of traditional sex roles that undervalue and tend to undermine the credibility of female professionals, even doctors, and inhibit the academic and intellectual aspirations and expectations of girls, further reflects its introspective disposition.

Discussions with Pupils
9. Seminars with groups of pupils elicited a number of significant factors which were confirmed by further discussion with teachers. It became apparent that the higher ability classes embraced most of the children of mobile, professional and managerial home backgrounds with first-hand experience, and consequently more informed impressions, of ethnic minorities. Many of these were able to cite former close Asian or Caribbean friends. On the whole, however, their attitudes appeared little different from those of the children with only limited, local experience, who avowed that race and colour were of less significance than personality, interests and activities


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in choosing friends or accepting others socially. Many were able to name black people they particularly admired and respected, almost exclusively in the spheres of entertainment, sport and athletics, though they all conceded that ethnic minority people were capable of success in all other fields of human endeavour and achievement.

10. Some of the first year pupils confessed to having been admonished at home for referring to 'nigger' or 'blackies', although one girl conceded that her father was not above using similar terms himself. Fifth and sixth year pupils owned to some racial stereotypes and prejudices, but freely acknowledged that these were irrational and would probably alter on acquaintance. Some appeared to be conforming with assumed peer-group attitudes, and it was sensed that their true feelings were much more neutral, if not more positive, than they would admit, All the pupils believed that they were less prejudiced on racial issues than their parents and grandparents, and stressed that they respected others on the basis of personal qualities. They all felt that in adult life they would be likely to work and seek their recreation alongside ethnic minority people, and would like school to prepare them for this by informing them in some depth about their cultural backgrounds.

11. Opportunities arose to discuss prejudice and racial attitudes with adults associated with the school community. A parent, by profession a nurse but currently working outside nursing maintained that hospital work had helped her to develop positive racial attitudes, but that her husband, without benefit of such experience, held deep-rooted prejudices that neither reason nor persuasion could undermine. She believed that her two daughters shared her attitudes, but considered that the local community was subconsciously apathetic to racial and other minorities both within and beyond their experience. She felt that television and the national press fed this reaction. The school caretaker has enlightened views on race which, he admits, are not common within the area. He confessed to a degree of culture shock when, on a first visit to one urban area, he saw for the first time, coloured people in large numbers. His attitudes have been considerably modified by feelings of gratitude and respect for Asian hospital doctors who, he believes, saved the lives of his wife and one of his children. He likened local prejudices and attitudes towards racial minorities to the local ambivalence towards gypsies where, despite the consciously-modified behaviour of the travelling people, traditional stereotyping still persists. This focuses on attributes of dirt, noise, nuisance, brawling, stealing, cheating, poaching and trespassing, illogically based on folklore despite their contradiction by contemporary experience.

12. The school secretary was not native to the area, although she had lived there for many years. She asserted an adherence to Christian principles, pre-eminent among which was respect for others, whatever their background. Nevertheless, she had felt some racial resentment some years ago when her daughter, after teaching for two years in a multi-racial school, had suffered a total nervous breakdown in attempting to meet the needs and demands of ethnic minority children. She now concedes that the causes may have resided in her daughter, or other agencies, rather than in the pupils, and that the racial attitudes evoked were probably ill-founded and certainly irrational. Like other adults interviewed, she believes that prejudice of all types exists throughout the insular local community, and that most of the racial stereotypes and attitudes held stem from unsympathetic media treatment of ethnic minorities in this country.

13. The chairman of the school governors, whose attitude towards ethnic minorities is strongly influenced by war-time experience, insists that the malaise of modern society stems principally from the collapse of the family structure with its integral discipline and mutual respect, features that he recognises still persist among some ethnic minorities. He believes that colour and race present few direct problems for society; that if social values are restored and economic injustices removed many of the so-called race issues will disappear. While having little comment on the cause of multi-cultural education, he is convinced that racial attitudes will be enhanced by the employment of more ethnic minority teachers, whom he would be pleased to appoint to the staff of this school.


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Conclusion
14. Many of the principles of multi-cultural education are honoured, albeit indirectly, within the school's general philosophy and practices, and most of the teachers are in total sympathy with those principles. However, they lack awareness of the full range of issues implicit in preparing pupils for life in a multi-cultural society, and in many cases they are not entirely convinced of their relevance for the pupils of this school. National exhortations appear to have little influence, possibly because of a tendency to presume that multi-cultural considerations are the concern of multi-racial schools alone.

School X4
1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school is situated close to towns with long coal-mining traditions. Its physical location distant from sizeable shopping and cultural centres enforces an isolation and insularity that is reflected in local attitudes and lifestyles. Unemployment affects 15% of the population, but this figure disguises the relatively high proportion of unemployed school leavers most of whose only resort is to youth opportunity and work creation schemes. For several generations there has been a steady immigration from Ireland which has been accepted as natural and created few difficulties, similarity of lifestyles oiling the process of integration. That this is so is reflected in the occasionally expressed allegation that coloured people are taking 'our jobs', never in terms of Irish or other white immigrants.

2. The teaching staff has been recruited nationally and consists of many who have taught in multi-racial schools and are sympathetic to the principles of multi-cultural education. Predominantly working class, the parents have only minimal educational experience themselves and little understanding of the nature and values of education except as a route towards future employment. The school and parents were highly satisfied with last year's (the first comprehensive) O Level results, and are strongly supportive of each other within the community. Few ethnic minority pupils are admitted, and the occasional Chinese, Vietnamese and Polish children recently experienced were warmly welcomed, not least for their novelty interest.

3. The school's educational welfare office with whom I spoke referred to particularly strong inter-estate rivalry and prejudice, and felt that this was more strongly-felt and deeply-rooted than a latent racial prejudice that ignorantly lumps together all coloured peoples into a stereotyped 'Packy' on the basis of representations in television programmes like 'Grange Hill' and occasional encounters with obsequious itinerant market traders completely unrepresentative of their Indian cultural backgrounds. The existence of an 'Andy Capp'-like stereotype [Andy Capp was a popular Daily Mirror cartoon character of the time.] is confirmed by teachers who have had the opportunity at a residential centre to which they are able to take their classes for a week at a time, to explore pupils' attitudes and values in an unconstrained, constructive and developmental environment. They feel that the children's inherent disposition towards 'fairness' quickly enables them, given the opportunity to review their attitudes with the benefit of dispassionate, factual information, to eradicate such views and replace them with more positive and empathetic attitudes.

English
4. The Head of English is fully sensitised to the need for a multi-cultural approach to her subject, but confesses that this is more coincidental than deliberate. Several of the English teachers have taught in multi-racial schools, contributing to an extensive departmental experience that is again reflected, albeit often subconsciously, in their selection of books and materials and in their treatment of language and literature. Although they have not expressly considered the multi-cultural implications for their subject, it is noteworthy that the school's library and English text books have been deliberately expurgated of all books representing colonialist values and attitudes or depicting ethnic minorities in a derogatory or insensitive manner, They speak with enthusiasm of the interest and empathy aroused by such books as 'To Kill a Mocking Bird', 'Walkabout' and 'On the Run', and feel that through these and similar


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books children's perceptions are heightened in relation to others of different backgrounds, and lead to the realisation that discrimination, even in the form of skitting and name-calling, can be hurtful and uncharitable. Care is taken to ensure that these enlightening processes are not undermined by internal or external influences. There is a belief among the teachers that while 'Grange Hill', a very popular television series among pupils of all ages, sometimes compounds existing misapprehensions and stereotypes, television programmes in general are improving pupils' racial awareness and tolerance. Parental attitudes, apparently more prejudiced than the children's, are considered to be the major obstacle to a greater respect and acceptance of ethnic minority people.

Science
5. Members of the science department staff were less convinced about their role in multi-racial understanding. In biology, many opportunities are grasped to show the similarities between ethnic groups, and to present the true facts about skin colour, hair types and physical features, while in some science text books, for example Science 2000, the illustrations featuring coloured as well as white students unaffectedly lead to the implicit recognition of the multi-racial complexity of modern society.

Modern Languages
6. The head of modern language had little to contribute to the ethnic minority discussion, but feels strongly that his department's work is hampered by the deeply implanted stereotyping of the French and the Germans by comics and television. Such stereotypes are always derogatory, portraying the French as dirty, excitable, drunkards who eat 'dirty' things like snails and frogs legs, and the Germans as arrogant, aggressive, military minded and our traditional enemies.

Attitudes and Prejudices
7. The sixth form tutor, after only a term in the school, is already aware of the insularity of both parents' and pupils' attitudes. Of particular concern to him is the parents' lack of knowledge and experience of sixth form education, their apparent lack of conviction about its value and a consequent lack of confidence by the pupils. He has found that by normal standards his pupils are very immature in their attitudes and judgements. Their knowledge and experience of life in other parts of the country, far less other parts of the world, is extremely narrow. He has found them naive and undiscriminating in making judgement values, and although relatively innocent of racial discrimination, overridden with misapprehensions and folk mythology about racial matters.

8. The head of science voiced local concern over the television exposure of the Brixton and Bristol disorders that implied a purely racial gesture and evoked an equally unbalanced local anti-black reaction. There had also been real fear that local white youths might, for perhaps different reasons, be inspired into 'copycat' demonstrations. This fear was not allayed until several days after the vivid television reports had been screened. Indirectly they had had the effect of bringing to the surface many of the latent racial stereotypes and prejudices common among the older generation.

9. One of the Heads of House has slightly different views about racial attitudes and prejudice. He is one of the few local teachers who entered teacher training as a mature student. His perception is perhaps heightened by the fact that he and his wife have two adopted West Indian children. He feels that the local people are at least as prejudiced as any in other places, though he believes they are not now as intense as formerly. But they are quick to react among themselves to national political and social issues, when latent anti-black, extreme leftwing views come to the surface. He feels that the influence of press and television tends to inflame such prejudices founded on isolated and uninformed impressions and stereotypes. This is reinforced by the accretion of believed confirmatory 'evidence' selected by the individual to justify his attitude.


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This teacher feels that such prejudice is almost beyond modification. He is much happier however about the younger generations who, he feels, are certainly less prejudiced, and, given a balanced, objective and factually accurate view of other groups, will develop more positive attitudes of acceptance and respect. His own adopted children have been both the subject and the reciprocators of name-calling, which they regard with amusement and even pleasure. Of course, in a white community, heads have turned when he has been out with his black children, but he imputes this to curiosity or interest, not to any expression of disapproval or disfavour. He does, however, feel that different forms of stereotyping in books or on television, are extremely influential and should be expunged from all children's and adults' experiences.

Discussions with Pupils
10. When invited to express their feelings towards other groups the comments of a small group of top set, first year pupils are invariably critical or uncomplimentary, e.g. Scots are arrogant, drunkards, mean; Irish are bad-tempered, drunks, troublemakers; Irish Catholics are called 'Red Necks,' Irish Protestants are referred to as 'Prods', 'Prodiwogs' or 'Golliwogs'; a golliwog may also be anyone, of whatever skin pigmentation, who has curly or frizzy hair; all coloured people are called 'Packies'; and Black people, and whites with swarthy complexions, are called 'Niggers'. One girl had been flattered to be called 'Brown Girl in the Ring'. (They sensitively exclude from these categories the few minority group children in the school.)

11. The children have obviously been exposed to many of the folk myths about ethnic minorities, including multiple-family occupation of houses, and taking white people's jobs, but when challenged they readily recognise the possibility that those may be, at worst, exaggerations of the truth. Their preoccupation with 'fairness' tempers their attitudes. Towards all minorities they have tolerance and some understanding. They all watch 'Grange Hill' on television and their attitude to the Sikh boy's right to wear his turban and to the issue of both arranged and mixed marriages is open and sympathetic. They do, however, appreciate that many of their parents are opposed to mixed race marriages.

Without exception they would all like to learn more in school about ethnic minority religions and cultures, and would be very pleased if, to compensate for their isolation and insularity, exchanges could be arranged with schools in multi-racial areas. Similar views are held by older pupils, especially in the sixth form, who want to grow up in a plural society where individual and group differences are accepted and respected. Among the older pupils is a sense that their obvious political naivety is a reflection of school's apparent unwillingness to expose them to political ideologies and strategies.

Conclusions
12. The overall impression received was one of a school struggling in the face of severe local constraints to establish in a comprehensive role, a credibility and respectability inevitably founded on academic results but also conscious of a moral responsibility to prepare its pupils in every possible way for adult life in a wider society that is culturally diverse and often more sophisticated than the local community. To these ends the considerable contribution of some teachers, experienced in multi-racial schools elsewhere and totally committed to the principles of multi-cultural education has to be recognised. But the uneasy feeling remains that the expectations of a majority of teachers, depressed because of stereotyped assumptions about pupil potential and reinforced by modest pupil and parent aspirations, could result in underachievement both in academic standards and in personal development.


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School YI

1. This large primary school with nursery provision is situated in the centre of a council housing development. Property owned by the Council represents 96% of the accommodation in the area. The unemployment rate in the town is about 25% - that of the council estate exceeds 40%.

2. On admission to the nursery unit, most children are suffering from severe linguistic deprivation, and find communication difficult. They have no experience of traditional nursery rhymes or fairy tales on which to draw, and social graces can be minimal. Day trips are the only holidays that some children have had.

3. Most of the children entering the infant department do so from the nursery unit. The initial reading syllabus is based on a variety of commercial schemes, including Ginn 360, Crown, One Two Three and Away and Gay Way, colour coded for degree of difficulty and progression commensurate with the relatively lower overall ability of the children. Many of these reading schemes portray in pictures, characters and stories, a good multi-racial cross section. Library books make a similar contribution.

4. In addition to linguistic deprivation, a surprisingly high number of infants are treated by visiting specialists for speech defects. While reading is important to the department, perhaps greater priority is accorded to compensatory language development. Approximately 20 pupils from the infant and junior departments have been referred and assessed as suitable for special education but in the absence of special school places for them, they receive additional compensatory teaching from two visiting teachers from a local ESN school.

5. The junior syllabuses follow fairly traditional patterns, but with frequent injections of multi-cultural topics and themes. Academic levels throughout the school are lower than average, and the Head believes that had there still been 11+ selection, very few would have attained the standard to qualify for grammar school entry.

6. Many staff have attended locally-mounted courses in multi-cultural education, and this is reflected in many ways in the everyday transactions of the school. In addition to following the suggestion of the Schools Council project Education for a Multiracial Society, that multi-cultural principles should permeate the curriculum, a number of initiatives have been started. Many classes use television broadcasts, and when multi-cultural topics are involved these are followed up and related to the regional context.

7. In order to evoke empathy and understanding the school is sponsor to a boy in an Indian village, and sends not less that 1.50 a week subscribed voluntarily in odd pennies by the pupils themselves. As part of the overall sponsorship scheme, an Indian teacher and one or two Indian pupils visits this country and the sponsoring schools annually to talk about life in their homes, emphasising the positive aspects and placing local deprivations in a national context.

8. Periodically, artefacts relating to ethnic minority cultures, received from a variety of sources, are circulated around school to feature in class studies and discussions, again emphasising ingenuity, craftsmanship and appropriateness rather than concentrating on exotic or primitive features. Of particular interest are collections of artefacts and books compiled from contributions by the local ethnic minorities, and therefore guaranteed in authenticity and validity.

9. Teacher exchanges with multi-racial schools have enabled staff to experience at first-hand the cultures of pupils within them, but of special significance is a new venture now in the final stages of planning. This is a class-exchange scheme, initiated by the Head, that will entail a class of pupils spending a half day at one off our multi-racial schools nearby and experiencing normal lessons paired off with an ethnic minority pupil. They will also sample each other's diets and have opportunities to wear their types of clothing, play their games and possibly meet their parents. The multi-racial school will reciprocate the process shortly afterwards.


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10. Of all the other forms of prejudice held, that against racial minorities is second only to the sex role attitude. It differs from the latter principally in the fact that it is less overt, but of its existence, especially among parents, there is no doubt. When it does surface it tends, in this area of high unemployment, to focus on assumed job competition, but is also fuelled by a widespread belief that Asian workers, by their diligence and willingness to work long hours, have somehow undermined trade union 'rights' and 'perks'. Yet dual standards are often applied, the professional Asian - doctor, nurse, teacher - being held in high esteem. This school had, until recently, an Indian teacher on the staff, and the Head is pleased to boast that he was respected and admired by pupils, parents and colleagues alike, never once being the recipient of unkind remarks or any other form of discrimination.

11. The teachers believe that in the nursery unit and infant department children notice colour much less than personality or other physical features, and remain egocentrically unprejudiced about race. From about seven upwards they are becoming accustomed and tuned-in to parental racial attitudes that, fuelled by television and film impressions harden into personal attitudes. These are believed to be fairly superficial, and are only manifested by name-calling (Nigger, Wog etc). Of the nine children of ethnic minority parents only one has been known to be the butt of other pupils, and this was believed to be a personality-orientated reaction.

12. Discussions with children of junior age revealed irrational attitudes to other groups - gypsies, Scots, Irish, for example - but these were often unjustifiable when asked for reasons. Stereotypes obviously play a part in such attitudes, as occasionally does generalisation from isolated incidents. Several children who said they hated Irish and Scots withdrew their statements when told that two of their teachers were of that descent. They all admitted calling others unkind names, but the examples given related to habits or physical features other than colour.

School Y2

1. This large co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a small market town linked commercially, economically and administratively with nearby industrial areas. Around the nucleus of the old village are situated a number of housing developments mainly of owner-occupied properties accommodating a middle-class community in which social classes 2 and 3 predominate. Unemployment at adult level is well below the regional average, but is just beginning to bite in the school leaving sector. The community preserves a strong local identity and independence. Newcomers, who tend quickly to adopt the values and attitudes of its sub-culture, are readily accepted. Most pupils live near to the school and represent a very wide socio-economic spectrum skewed towards the upper end. The Head and staff are proud to proclaim a strong academic emphasis in the work of the school, but stress that life-skills are not neglected. The school is pervaded with an atmosphere of calm, conscientious industry.

Assemblies and Religious Education
2. School assemblies are held on both year group and house bases and deal with moral and religious topics, often invoking aspects of the faiths, cultures and lifestyles of other people in a positive and informative manner. They are led by teachers, whose collective experience, knowledge and commitment afford consideration of a wide range of issues among which questions of race, respect, relationships, stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are regularly featured. Yet the religious education syllabus, concentrating on Biblical studies and moral education in a narrow, traditional manner, by-passes the whole area of comparative religion. Theology is the least popular subject of the curriculum, and the numbers taking it to external examination level are minimal. At present the department has the temporary benefit of an experienced RE teacher who has unilaterally introduced a multi-faith dimension into the syllabus, which he feels is welcomed by pupils who have a strong aversion to the abstract philosophical


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study of Christianity. He deplores the lack of a multi-faith dimension in the syllabus, as well as the sterile manner in which Christianity is treated, and the narrow historical consideration of Judaism, never acknowledged as a valid contemporary faith. Should the syllabus be changed, the problem that will loom largest is the re-education of two senior departmental teachers, whose knowledge of other major religions is very limited. And like the community of their adoption, they equate strangeness with threat. The Head of Humanities, of which religious education is part, is a committed multi-culturalist and, convinced that persuasion is more likely to succeed than direction, is gently trying to institute some broadening of the curriculum in Religious education.

Humanities
3. As an initial attempt to bring together under a common theme the work of the History, Geography, Social Studies and RE Departments, the Head of Humanities instituted in 1982, Festival of India Year, the school's own Festival of India. A full term was spent considering all aspects of Indian life, culture and history. One significant feature was the in-depth study of an Indian village, showing it in a developing situation and drawing comparisons with similar comparatively recent changes in English villages. But perhaps most important were exchange visits with a school with a high proportion of Indian pupils. Additionally, Sikh, Hindu and Muslim leaders visited the school to talk about their religions and staff visits to a Sikh temple and to the Hindu festival of Diwali helped them to understand more about these faiths. Throughout the project the faculty received generous support from the parent-teacher association and culminated in an ambitious Indian evening in the school. The evening was open to the local community, and public interest and response was so great that the school had never before held so many people at one time. Parents were very warm and positive in their response, and none questioned the validity of such a project. It is hoped to institute similar projects on other ethnic groups in future years. The Head and staff are of the firm opinion that this project did much to correct misconceptions and stereotypes, and to develop more positive attitudes to ethnic minority groups.

Geography
4. Geography teaching in the lower school is organised on a concentric principle starting with the known and extending frontiers from that base. First year pupils are involved in day visits to nearby villages, towns and industrial centres to experience their atmosphere and significance. Second year pupils are encouraged to join an overseas study trip, usually to the Netherlands, to experience life in a different cultural grouping. In the third year, relating their studies to the previous two years' experience, world topics are considered, including those affecting developing communities. Material from a Multicultural Centre is used to supplement information received from a variety of official sources, many text books on economic geography rapidly becoming out of date as countries begin to exploit new resources, like oil, and new markets. It is interesting to note that this department has abandoned the Geography for the Young School Leaver Programme because it felt that it incorporated racist implications.

History
5. The Head of Faculty is concerned about the very traditional approach to History. Falling within the umbrella of Environment Studies in years 1 and 2 changes of attitudes and emphasis have been effected. But the entrenched attitudes of History department staff have resisted all attempts to wean it away from an almost exclusively 20th century European preoccupation. It is felt that this war-orientated approach might well be influential in reinforcing anti-German attitudes among many pupils in the school. The LEA has instituted a curriculum review exercise throughout all its schools, and it is hoped that this might influence future curriculum attitudes and approaches. The text books used by the school are unquestionably Eurocentric, if not biased Anglo-centrically.


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English
6. Little opportunity presented itself for a review of English teaching in the school, but the impression of a fairly traditional, classically-rooted department was alleviated by the attitude of one department member who also operates the school's bookshop. This lady taught until quite recently in a strongly sectarian school in Belfast, and has first hand experience of sectarian hatred, discrimination and prejudice, through which she empathises with ethnic minority people in England. In her teaching, especially of literature, she tries to convey this sentiment to her pupils whom she feels are apathetic and unresponsive. Within the local community she identifies two distinct groups, a liberal, upper section affecting condescending acceptance of ethnic minorities, and a defensive lower section asserting antipathetic attitudes to all other groups, among which racism is prominent. These attitudes are manifested when pupils are invited to read novels about minority ethnic group characters, but may be accentuated by a lack of interest or empathy in anyone or anything beyond their immediate experience. They completely reject, in the school bookshop, any books portraying black people on dust-covers.

Modern Languages
7. A modern languages teacher believes that in the school there is prejudice against French, German and coloured people, and refers to the difficulties encountered by a black French-Algerian teacher in obtaining a post in the area. Although German is taught in the school and a German language assistant is attached on a half-time basis, the influence of comics, war-films and parental attitudes in implanting stereotypes and prejudice is difficult to overcome. Exchange visits with German schools have tempered adverse attitudes for some children, but since there is no tradition among the parents of overseas travel, the effects of these experiences are short-lived. Similar prejudices are directed towards other groups, and in a sort of prejudicial pecking order it is interesting to note that the Scots are in greater favour than the Southern English. At the other end of the scale are black people, whatever their country of origin, and the abuse directed towards black professional footb